Columbia  Olntbrrtfitp 

STUDIES   IN   ROMANCE  PHILOLOGY  AND 

LITERATURE 


THE  SPIRIT  OF  PROTEST  IN   OLD 
FRENCH  LITERATURE 


THE   S.PIRIT   OF   PROTEST 

IN    OLD    FRENCH 

LITERATURE 


BY 

MARY  MORTON  WOOD,  Ph.D. 


AMS  PRESS,  INC. 

NEW  YORK 

1966 


Copyright  1917,  Columbia  University  Press, 
New  York 

SI 


Reprinted  with  the  permission  of  the 
Original  Publisher,  1966 


AMS  PRESS,  INC. 

New  York,  N.Y.  10003 

1966 


Manufactured  in  the  United  States  of  America 


NOTE 

Approved  for  publication,  on  behalf  of  the  Department 
of  Romance  Languages  and  Literatures  in  Columbia 
University. 

Henry  Alfred  Todd 

New  York, 
Jan.  31,  1917 


TOUT  HOMME  A   DEUX   PAYS,   LE   SIEN   ET  PUIS   LA   FRANCE 


PREFACE 

The  present  study  is  an  effort  to  discover  the  problems  of 
social  justice  and  personal  liberty  that  interested  the  more 
thoughtful  writers  of  medieval  France. 

The  intent  has  been  to  submit  each  author's  views  in  his 
own  words,  with  as  little  as  may  be  of  twentieth  century  inter- 
pretation. As  the  passages  quoted,  however,  comprise  less  than 
a  fiftieth  part  of  the  material  originally  selected  for  presentation, 
it  will  be  seen  that  much  abridgment  has  been  necessary;  but 
since  the  excluded  portions  are  mere  reiterations  of  the  thought, 
their  omission  in  no  degree  changes  the  purport  of  any  passage. 
Except  in  the  case  of  a  few  obvious  errors,  the  textual  reading 
of  the  editions  cited  has  been  followed.  In  the  matter  of  the 
English  rendering,  the  controlling  principle  has  been  regard 
for  the  convenience  of  the  English  reader.  On  the  one  hand, 
literal  exactness  has  been  sacrificed  whenever  the  meaning  of  the 
original  has  thereby  become  clearer;  on  the  other  hand,  no 
attempt  has  been  made  to  smooth  away  the  roughness  of  the 
original  when  a  literal  version  could  convey  the  sense. 

Like  all  other  students  of  Romance  Philology  at  Columbia 
University,  the  writer  of  this  study  has  found  inspiration  in 
the  accurate  scholarship  and  generous  assistance  of  Prof.  H .  A. 
Todd.  The  effort  to  win  the  high  prize  of  his  approval  has 
at  least  made  the  present  work  less  unworthy  than  it  would 
otherwise  have  been. 

MARY  MORTON  WOOD 

Columbia  University 
December,  1916 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION  page 

The  Scope  of  this  Study 1 

The  meaning  of  the  term  Protest  —  A  brief  appreciation  of 
the  works  used  in  this  study. 


CHAPTER  I 

Protest  Against  the  Social  Order 11 

Kingship  a  duty,  not  a  right  —  Banishment  of  a  just  man  a 
usurpation  of  power  —  The  origin  of  the  royal  authority  in  the 
power  of  the  strong  man  in  barbarous  society  —  The  king's  duty 
to  preserve  peace  with  other  nations  —  The  misery  of  the  poor  — 
The  oppression  of  the  nobles  —  The  rapacity  of  ecclesiastical 
overlords  —  The  origin  of  property  tenure  according  to  Jean  de 
Meung  —  True  nobility  —  The  brotherhood  of  man  —  The 
leveling  power  of  death  —  An  eleventh-century  revolt  of  the 
people  —  Radical  elements  in  Renart  le  Contrefait. 

CHAPTER  II 

Protest  Against  the  Domination  of  the  Church 74 

Strictures  against  the  morals  of  the  clergy  —  Literature 
called  forth  by  the  Albigensian  Crusade  —  The  sending  of 
French  revenues  to  Rome  —  The  mercenary  spirit  of  the  clergy. 

CHAPTER   III 

The  Defence  of  Guillaume  de  Saint- Amour 115 

The  hostility  between  the  University  of  Paris  and  the  Domin- 
ican Order  —  The  poems  of  Rutebeuf  written  in  defence  of 
Guillaume  de  Saint- Amour —  Passages  from  the  Romance  of 
the  Rose,  treating  the  same  episode. 

xi 


Xll  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER    IV  PAGE 

Dissent  from  the  Doctrines  of  the  Church 134 

Incredulity  among  the  people  —  Epicureanism  of  the  nobles  — 
Criticism  of  the  Plan  of  Salvation  —  The  office  of  reason  in 
religion. 

CHAPTER  V 

The  Romance  of  the  Rose  and  the  Protest  Against  Asceti- 
cism     157 

The  attitude  of  the  Church  towards  the  world  —  The  ration- 
alizing temper  of  Jean  de  Meung  and  his  followers  —  Survival 
of  pagan  customs  and  ideals  —  The  sufficiency  of  the  world  of 
sense  to  many  poets. 

CHAPTER  VI 

Protest  Against  Sex-Discrimination 176 

Less  thought  given  to  the  rights  of  women  in  the  Middle  Ages 
than  to  any  other  reform  —  The  conservative  ideal  of  woman  — 
Frequent  disregard  of  this  ideal  —  Benefit  of  useful  employ- 
ment —  A  plea  for  fair  play. 

CONCLUSION 

Boldness   of   Protests   Against  Abuses   in   the   Literature 

Between  1150  and  1350 186 


APPENDIX  A 
Notes 187 

APPENDIX  B 
Bibliography 199 


THE    SPIRIT    OF    PROTEST    IN 
OLD  FRENCH  LITERATURE 


INTRODUCTION 

Were  I  competent  to  design  a  monument  to  the  emanci- 
pated human  spirit,  I  should  represent  that  spirit  as  standing 
triumphant  upon  five  chains,  which  no  longer  shackled  its 
energy.    These  chains  should  symbolize 

Absolutism  in  government, 
Privilege  in  economics, 
Superstition  in  religion, 
Authority  in  thought, 
Sex  discrimination  in  opportunities. 

How  far  this  perfect  emancipation  may  be  attainable  now  or  in 
the  remote  future,  whether  the  casting-off  of  restraints  upon 
individual  action  may  have  disastrous  consequences  to  society 
and  to  the  individual  himself,  are  questions  upon  which  the 
wisest  differ.  Nor  can  the  present  study  attempt  to  answer 
speculations  so  subtle,  and  far-reaching.  It  is  offered  rather  as  a 
humble  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  efforts  of  humanity 
in  every  century  to  win  a  larger  measure  of  freedom  than  fell  to 
the  lot  of  its  generation.  In  the  following  pages  I  have  brought 
together  from  the  works  of  French  authors  writing  between 
1150  and  1350  extracts  that  show  the  spirit  of  protest  already 
astir  in  those  centuries  which  are  frequently  regarded  as  the 
ages  of  ignorance  and  blind  submission  to  authority.  These 
aspirations  for  freedom  often  came  to  nought,  sometimes  be- 
cause the  desires  were  vain  in  themselves,  sometimes  because 


2         THE   SPIRIT   OF  PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

the  times  were  not  ripe  for  their  fulfilment;  but  whether  suc- 
cessful or  futile,  wise  or  unwise,  these  movements  have  their 
interest  for  the  student  of  human  thought. 

If  the  medieval  reformer  sought  to  strike  out  new  paths  for 
himself,  he  soon  found  his  progress  impeded  by  three  obsta- 
cles: a  despotic  governing  class,  a  sacerdotal  order  claiming 
supremacy  over  minds  and  souls  alike,  a  society  hostile  to  in- 
novation. No  one  of  the  three  institutions  rested  its  title  to 
obedience,  primarily  at  least,  on  reason;  the  first  two  alleged  di- 
vine sanction,  the  third  rooted  itself  in  the  deep  conservatism 
of  human  nature,  which  looks  upon  the  untried  as  akin  to  the 
unholy.  In  reality  all  three  derived  their  strength  from  the 
exigencies  of  the  military  society  that  grew  up  in  consequence 
of  the  Germanic  invasions  of  the  Roman  Empire.  A  state 
fighting  for  its  very  existence  cannot  risk  divergence  among 
its  members.  The  welfare  of  such  a  society  requires  uniformity 
of  belief  and  submission  to  superiors,  and  free  criticism  impairs 
its  solidarity. 

Yet  perceptibly,  though  slowly,  the  European  mind  has  been 
working  itself  free  from  hampering  conditions:  the  history  of 
China  and  Egypt  has  not  repeated  itself  in  the  West.  The 
two  great  waves  of  progress  in  modern  history  are  the  Renais- 
sance and  the  Reformation.  But  these  mighty  advances  are 
only  the  culmination  of  the  attacks  of  isolated  thinkers,  hurled, 
in  vain  as  it  might  have  seemed,  against  the  rocks  of  prejudice. 
The  historians  of  medieval  literature  speak  of  its  homogeneous- 
ness,  its  dull  uniformity.  Such  is,  indeed,  its  general  character, 
but  closer  examination  reveals  many  a  ripple  of  diverse  opinion, 
troubling  the  stagnant  waters.  Often  these  breaks  with  tradi- 
tion either  were  in  themselves  trivial,  or  perhaps  led  away  from 
what  we  now  regard  as  correct  teaching,  but  they  are  signifi- 
cant as  indicating  the  set  of  the  current. 

In  the  slow  struggle  for  perfect  emancipation,  it  is  the  move- 
ment for  political  independence  that  has  most  nearly  achieved 
success.  Even  among  those  races  which  have  not  yet  attained 
representative  government,  their  leaders  see  clearly  the  coveted 


INTRODUCTION  3 

goal.  In  the  realms  of  religion  and  thought  also,  the  right  of 
the  individual  to  decide  such  matters  for  himself  has  all  but 
gained  the  day.  The  problems  of  securing  economic  justice 
and  the  recognition  of  sex  equality,  although  still  far  from  any 
definite  solution,  are  in  their  turn  attracting  serious  public 
attention.  In  the  twelfth  century  no  great  advance  in  any 
of  these  directions  had  been  made,  yet  it  is  surprising  to  note 
how  widespread  was  the  dissatisfaction  with  existing  conditions. 

The  most  direct  criticism  of  social  institutions  which  is  found 
in  Old  French  literature  occurs  in  the  didactic  and  satiric  writ- 
ings. The  romances  afford  little  help  in  the  present  study  since 
the  knights  and  fair  ladies  of  these  compositions  move  about  in 
a  world  conveniently  free  from  human  obligations  and  the 
conflict  of  human  rights.  The  lyric  poetry  is,  for  the  most 
part,  a  reflection  from  the  romances  and  presents  life  in  the 
same  idealized  fashion,  but,  now  and  then,  is  heard  the  cry  of 
a  wayward  human  spirit,  chafing  against  the  bonds  of  conven- 
tion.* 

As  many  of  the  citations  in  the  following  chapters  are  from 
the  works  of  authors  now  obscure,  a  few  facts  are  given  in  the 
following  pages  concerning  the  standing  and  position  of  the 
writers  quoted,  in  order  that  the  value  of  their  testimony  may 
be  readily  estimated.  For  detailed  information  the  student 
will  consult  the  works  mentioned  in  the  bibliography  at  the 
close  of  this  volume. 

Wace  (?1 100-1 175),  canon  of  Bayeux,  composed  two  long 
poems,  the  Roman  de  Brut  and  the  Roman  de  Ron  between  the 
years  1150  and  1174.  The  latter  work  narrates  the  history  of 
the  Norman  dukes  from  Rou,  or  Rollo,  to  Henry  I  (912-1106). 

Etienne  de  Fougeres  (?— 1178)  was  a  churchman  of  high 
standing,  an  administrator,  it  would  seem,  of  the  type  of  Lan- 
franc  and  other  foreign  ecclesiastics  who  did  so  much  under 
the  Norman  kings  to  reform  the  English  church.  He  was 
chaplain  to  Henry  II;  his  name  appears  on  state  charters  of 
that  king;  in  1168  he  was  consecrated  bishop  of  Rennes.  He 
composed  certain  Latin  works  of  edification  and,  towards  the 
end  of  his  life,  the  Livre  des  manieres.     An  intimate  of  Henry  II, 


4         THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

he  had  observed  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune  of  that  brilliant 
prince,  and  was  inclined  to  set  small  store  by  earthly  glory. 
He  writes  in  the  sober  tone  of  one  who  "has  kept  watch  o'er 
man's  mortality."  Unfortunately  the  text  of  his  poem  is  corrupt 
although  the  meaning  is  clear. 

Helinant,  the  author  of  the  Vers  de  la  Mort,  was  born  of  a 
good  family.  His  father  and  uncle  for  political  reasons  had 
fled  from  Flanders  to  seek  their  fortunes  in  France.  So  well 
did  the  uncle  succeed  that  in  1162  he  obtained  the  archbishopric 
of  Rheims.  Helinant,  converted  from  a  life  of  pleasure,  be- 
came a  monk  of  Froidmont,  and  delivered  many  sermons  against 
the  luxury  of  the  age.  His  celebrated  poem  is  written  after 
the  sombre,  not  to  say  repulsive  style  of  medieval  moralists, 
but  it  attains  a  certain  elevation  by  its  insistent  contempt  for 
worldly  distinctions.  It  made  a  profound  impression  upon  his 
own  time.  According  to  Vincent  de  Beauvais,  it  was  read 
publicly.  It  was  imitated  by  succeeding  writers,  and  so  fre- 
quently copied  that  twenty-four  manuscripts  are  extant. 

La  Bible  Guiot  is  the  work  of  one  who  had  spent  his  earlier 
days  in  the  capacity  of  jongleur  at  the  courts  of  princes.  Cir- 
cumstances that  he  does  not  reveal  led  him  to  embrace  the 
monastic  life,  but  never  was  a  man  more  unfitted  for  its  stern 
discipline.  In  his  seclusion  Guiot  de  Provins  composed  before 
1209  his  harsh  satires  against  both  lay  and  ecclesiastical  man- 
ners. His  attitude  is  that  of  a  disappointed  man  of  the  world, 
and  the  habit  of  speaking  his  mind  freely,  acquired  in  jongleur 
days,  had  not  deserted  his  old  age. 

Des  viers  dou  Renclus  que  diroie? 
Que  moult  volentiers,  se  pooie, 
Les  liroie  trestous  les  jours. 
En  chou  seroit  biaus  li  sejours.  l 

So  wrote  Gilles  li  Muisis,  abbe*  of  Saint-Martin  de  Tournai,  of 
the  two  moral  poems,  the  Romans  de  Carite  and  Miserere.  So 
great  was  the  popularity  of  these  works  that  in  1360  the  city 
of  Amiens  offered  to  Charles  V  a  copy  of  them  as  its  best  gift. 
Not  fewer  than  thirty  manuscripts,  moreover,  still  exist.  One 
copy  contains  the  name  of  Bertremiels,  or  Bartholomew,  a  monk 

1  What  shall  I  say  concerning  the  poetry  of  the  Hermit?  For  I  should 
gladly  read  it,  if  I  could,  every  day.  The  time  spent  in  this  way  would 
be  delightful. 


INTRODUCTION  5 

of  Saint  Fuscien  near  Amiens.  The  author  preferred  to  speak 
of  himself  as  the  "  Renclus  de  Moiliens."  The  date  of  the  poem 
has  been  placed  about  the  year  1226.  The  poet  was  a  man 
of  culture,  and  prided  himself  upon  his  independent  utterance. 

Gautier  de  Coincy  (?  1177-1236)  entered  the  Benedictine 
monastery  of  Saint  M6dard-lez-Soissons  in  1193.  In  1214  he 
was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  prior  of  Vic-sur-Aisne,  and  in  1233 
further  honored  by  the  appointment  as  grand  prior  of  M6dard. 
Like  Saint  Bernard,  he  was  specially  devoted  to  the  service  of 
the  Virgin.  In  her  praise  he  adapted  a  Latin  collection  of 
miracles  by  Hugues  Farsit.  The  touching  beauty  of  the  leg- 
ends, however,  is  marred  by  the  intemperance  of  his  diatribes 
against  unbelievers.  His  Miracles  de  la  Sainte  Vierge  is  placed 
by  the  editor,  Poquet,  between  the  years  1219  and  1222. 

Of  a  very  different  temper  was  Guillaume  le  Clerc  (fl.  1226). 
He  said  of  himself  that  he  was  a  Norman  by  birth,  and  that  he 
was  a  married  cleric  with  a  wife  and  children  to  support  by  his 
pen.  He  composed  several  moral  poems  besides  the  Bestiaire 
and  the  Besant  de  Dieu  of  which  so  much  use  has  been  made  in 
this  study.  His  work  is  at  once  pious  and  sane.  It  shows, 
further,  considerable  acquaintance  with  medieval  latinity,  and 
intense  interest  in  the  questions  of  the  day. 

The  author  of  the  Quatre  tenz  d'aage  d'ome,  Philippe  de  Novare, 
was  a  skilful  man  of  affairs.  The  young  Philippe  left  his  native 
Lombardy  to  employ  his  legal  talents  in  the  Latin  kingdoms  of 
the  Orient.  He  won  for  himself  the  repute  of  being  the  best 
lawyer  in  the  East.  He  also  figured  in  the  siege  of  Damietta, 
and,  both  as  soldier  and  diplomat,  in  the  Cyprian  wars.  In  his 
youth  he  wrote  gay  love-songs;  in  middle  age,  accounts  of  the 
customs  and  jurisprudence  of  the  East;  and  when  he  was  past 
seventy,  the  moral  treatise  mentioned  above.  The  Quatre  tenz 
d'aage  d'ome  contains  very  good  advice,  somewhat  formally  ex- 
pressed. Unlike  most  medieval  books  of  the  kind,  its  material  is 
drawn  not  from  the  distichs  of  Cato,  but  from  the  author's 
wide  experience  of  men  and  manners.  As  Langlois  says:  " C'est 
un  des  rares  ouvrages  du  moyen  age  dont  il  n'y  ait  pas  lieu  de 
rechercher  les  sources:  il  est  presque  entierement  original,  soit 
que  l'auteur  exprime  ses  opinions  personelles,  soit  qu'il  se  fasse 
l'6cho  des  ideos  courantes  dans  la  haute  soci£t£,  .  .  .  Le  seul 
£crivain  du  quatorzieme  siecle  dont  il  soit  legitime  et  indique" 
de  rapprocher  Philippe  de  Novare,  c'est  Joinville;  tout  autre 
eloge  est  superflu."     {La  vie  en  France  au  moyen  dge,  p.  188.) 


6         THE   SPIRIT  OF  PROTEST  IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

To  Rutebeuf  (?1230-?1285)  belongs  the  double  praise  of  in- 
dependent thinker  and  true  poet,  unsurpassed  in  pathos  till  we 
come  to  Villon.  He  was  the  author  of  fifty-six  pieces,  including 
saints'  lives,  elegies,  fabliaux,  a  miracle- play,  satires  and  lyrics. 
Unfortunately  external  evidence  is  utterly  wanting  for  the  facts 
of  his  life,  the  earliest  mention  (1581)  of  Rutebeuf  occurring  in 
Fauchet's  Origine  de  la  langue  et  poesie  frangoise,  and  this 
notice  being  vague  and  inexact.  It  may  even  be  conjectured 
that  Rutebeuf  is  merely  a  nom  de  guerre.  His  dialect  and  the 
scope  of  his  work  prove  him  a  Parisian.  He  had  powerful 
friends  in  the  great  lords  to  whom  his  poems  are  addressed :  — 
Anceau  de  l'Isle,  Geoffroi  de  Sargines,  the  Comte  de  Poitiers, 
the  king's  brother,  Louis  IX  himself,  but  these  friends  died  or 
fell  away,  and  the  poet,  improvident  by  nature,  found  himself 
unable  to  furnish  bread  for  his  family.  The  most  glorious  epoch 
in  Rutebeuf's  career  was  his  defence  of  Guillaume  de  Saint- 
Amour  against  the  Dominican  Order.  May  one  see  in  Rutebeuf's 
plain  speaking  the  cause  of  his  ruin?  He  had  at  any  rate 
counted  the  cost,  and  with  due  consideration  adopted  Juvenal's 
maxim:  Vitam  impendere  vero.  Three  hundred  years  after 
Rutebeuf's  death,  Fauchet,  without  giving  his  authority,  de- 
scribed Rutebeuf  as  a  "menestrel."  The  importance  of  his 
work,  however,  and  his  close  connection  with  the  University 
of  Paris  fit  in  better  with  the  assumption  that  he  was  a  cleric, 
such  a  one  as  William  Langland,  he  too  a  needy  scholar,  unhappy 
in  his  marriage  and  fiercely  opposed  to  the  Mendicant  Orders. 
This  supposition  accords  better  with  the  estimate  of  his  work 
formed  by  every  reader  and  thus  expressed  by  C16dat :  — 
"Rutebeuf  aborde  toutes  les  grandes  questions  qui  ont  agite* 
la  soci^te"  de  son  temps.  .  .  .  Ses  satires  nous  font  vivre  avec 
lui  en  plein  treizieme  siecle;  elles  jettent  sur  l'histoire  une 
lumiere  nouvelle  en  nous  donnant  l'impression  tr6s  vibrante 
d'un  contemporain."     (Rutebeuf,  p.  55.) 

Like  Rutebeuf,  Jean  de  Meung  (?1250-?  1365)  upheld  the 
rights  of  the  University  against  the  Dominican  Order,  and  de- 
nounced the  friars  unsparingly.  His  quarrel  was,  however,  of 
more  radical  nature  than  Rutebeuf's,  calling  in  question  the 
alleged  superiority  of  the  celibate  state.  He  would  not  see 
any  good  in  the  whole  theory  of  renunciation,  which  had  been 
supposed  to  lie  at  the  base  of  Christian  life,  asserting  the  right 
of  the  individual  to  liberty  and  enjoyment.  Little  is  known 
of  his  fife.  Although  he  devoted  11. 11291-11439  to  an  account 
of  himself,  he  really  told  almost  nothing.     We  learn  only  that 


INTRODUCTION  7 

he  was  born  at  Meung  on  the  Loire,  and  completed  the  Romance 
of  the  Rose  forty  years  after  the  death  of  Guillaume  de  Lorris. 
Whether  he  was  educated  at  Orleans  or  at  Paris  is  not  known,  — 
but  all  his  later  life  is  associated  with  Paris,  and  he  died  pos- 
sessed of  an  imposing  house  in  the  suburbs.  He  made  several 
translations  from  the  Latin,  among  them  the  Consolations  of 
Philosophy  of  Boethius.  The  bearing  of  his  most  important 
work,  the  Romance  of  the  Rose,  on  the  present  study  is  discussed 
in  Chapter  V.  His  poem  was  the  most  influential  French  work 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  as  the  many  imitations,  translations,  ref- 
utations, and  the  numerous  extant  copies  attest. 

Matheolus,  or  in  his  own  dialect  Mahieu,  was  a  native  of 
Boulogne.  He  had  high  connections  among  the  clergy  of  The- 
rouanne,  and  was  himself  a  cleric.  He  received  a  legal  educa- 
tion at  Orleans,  and  later  enjoyed  all  too  well  the  gay  life  of 
Paris.  For  his  sins,  perchance,  he  married  a  widow,  a  vixen, 
whose  shrewish  temper  gave  him  no  peace.  To  add  to  this 
domestic  discomfort,  the  Council  of  Lyons  having  pronounced 
"bigamous"  the  marriage  of  a  cleric  with  a  widow,  Matheolus 
was  deprived  of  all  his  privileges  as  cleric,  and  forbidden  to 
practise  his  profession  of  lawyer.  He  turned  to  the  consolation 
of  literature,  writing  in  Latin  the  Lamenta,  a  poem  that  he  had 
the  wisdom  to  reserve  for  private  circulation  among  sympa- 
thetic ecclesiastical  friends,  safe  from  his  wife's  jealous  eye. 
Matheolus  was  a  lesser  Rabelais,  and  among  the  improprieties 
and  blasphemies  of  the  Lamenta  is  many  an  argument  that 
shows  a  mind  quite  emancipated  from  the  superstition  of  the 
age.  The  poem  belongs  to  the  decade  preceding  the  year  1300, 
and  reveals  the  influence  of  the  Romance  of  the  Rose.  In  1370 
it  found  an  admirer  in  another  unhappy  husband,  Jehan  le 
Fevre,  and  was  by  him  put  into  French.  The  new  version 
attained  almost  as  great  popularity  as  the  poem  of  Jean  de 
Meung. 

Fauvel  represents  the  views  of  an  ultra-clerical,  who  deplored 
the  humiliation  of  the  Church  under  Philip  the  Fair.  The 
poet's  name  appears  in  a  cipher,  made  out  by  Gaston  Paris  as 
Gervais  du  Bus.  This  Gervais  has  been  further  identified  by 
Langlois  as  a  notary  of  the  court  of  the  King.  The  first  part 
of  the  book  was  dated  by  the  author  1310;  the  second  was 
written  four  years  later.  Fauvel  is  the  fawn-colored  (fauve) 
horse  which  emperors  and  popes  are  proud  to  curry.  The 
symbolism  is  apparent  from  the  author's  etymology : 


8         THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Fauvel  est  de  faus  et  vet 
Compost,  car  il  a  son  revel 
Assis  sus  faussete1  vel6e.     (fol.  3) 2 

The  action  of  the  first  part  consists  in  bringing  up  one  group 
of  persons  after  another  to  stroke  Fauvel,  thereby  disclosing 
their  own  guileful  hearts.  In  the  second  part  a  marriage  is 
effected  between  Fauvel  and  Vaine  Gloire,  to  ensure  the  per- 
petuation of  the  race  of  time-servers.  Yet  even  as  the  author 
was  penning  this  pessimistic  conclusion,  word  was  brought  him 
of  the  death  of  Philip  the  Fair,  and  he  added  a  word  of  hope. 

Ferrant  fina,    aussi  fera 

Fauvel;  ja  si  grant  ne  sera 

Car  il  ne  puet  pas  tous  jours  vivre. 

{Fauvel,  fol.  6.) 3 

The  life  of  Gilles  li  Muisis  (1271-1352)  was  uneventful.  At- 
tracted to  the  service  of  the  Church  from  his  earliest  years,  he 
entered  at  the  age  of  eighteen  the  Benedictine  monastery  of 
Saint  Martin  de  Tournai,  and  there  as  monk  and  abbot  spent 
the  remainder  of  his  long  life.  In  his  eightieth  year  he  became 
blind,  but,  unwilling  to  intermit  his  pious  labors,  he  dictated 
his  Registre,  or  versified  record  of  his  opinions  concerning  the 
manners  of  his  age. 

In  1279  Friar  Lorens  (Laurentius  Gallus),  the  confessor  of 
Philip  III,  composed  at  the  royal  order  the  moral  treatise  vari- 
ously known  as  Le  mireour  du  monde,  La  somme  des  vices  et 
des  vertus,  Le  lime  roial.  The  work  is  didactic  and  formal,  a 
guide  to  the  acquisition  of  virtue  and  the  avoidance  of  vice. 
It  enjoyed  a  wide  popularity,  and  is  the  original  of  the  English 
Ayenbile  of  Inwyt  by  Dan  Michel.  Caxton  printed  it  as  The 
Book  Ryal. 

The  Thibaut  who  wrote  the  Romanz  de  la  poire  was  not  the 
famous  Thibaut,  king  of  Navarre,  but  a  Burgundian  poet, 
inspired  by  the  success  of  Guillaume  de  Lorris  to  attempt  a 
similar  love  allegory.  The  poet  eats  a  pear  and  is  immediately 
smitten  with  love.  He  suffers  the  befitting  woes,  but,  less 
happy  than  Guillaume's  hero,  is  so  thwarted  by  a  jealous  hus- 

2  The  word  Fauvel  is  derived  from  false  and  veil.  This  signifies  that 
the  beast  Fauvel  takes  his  pleasure  seated  upon  veiled  falsehood. 

3  Ferrant  died;  so  shall  Fauvel;  he  will  not  be  so  great,  for  he  cannot 
live  always. 


INTRODUCTION  9 

band  that  he  must  content  himself  with  sending  his  fair  lady  a 
nightingale  (his  poem). 

The  author  of  Renart  le  Contrefait  was  a  cleric  expelled  from 
his  order  for  some  illicit  relation  that  the  Church  termed  "big- 
amy." He  belonged  to  the  trading  class,  for  after  his  disgrace 
he  took  up  his  father's  business  of  selling  spices.  By  1319, 
however,  he  was  at  leisure,  and  could  think  of  no  better  way 
of  employing  his  spare  time  than  writing  a  poem  to  pay  off  his 
old  grievances  against  the  clergy  and  the  nobility.  The  com- 
position of  Renart  le  Contrefait  occupied  the  years  1319-1342. 

Aucassin  et  Nicolete  is  a  twelfth  century  romance  in  the 
Picard  dialect  by  an  unknown  author.  It  is  perhaps  the  most 
charming  of  medieval  tales. 

The  Provengal  Poets 

Of  Guiraut  de  Bornelh  (1175-1220)  nothing  is  known.  It 
has  been  conjectured  that  he  spent  some  time  in  Spain.  The 
Provencal  biographer  calls  him  the  Master  of  Poets,  adding 
that  he  passed  his  winters  in  study  and  his  summers  in  wan- 
dering from  court  to  court. 

The  Monk  of  Montaudon  was  a  prime  favorite  with  princes. 
He  was  generously  treated  by  Philip  Augustus,  Richard  and 
Alfonso  II.  His  merry  verses  savor  of  irreverence.  The  scene, 
for  example,  of  three  poems  is  laid  in  Heaven.  The  subject  of 
two  of  these  poems  is  the  accusation  of  painting  the  face  brought 
by  the  monks  against  the  ladies.  The  third  is  the  defence 
of  epicurean  living  quoted  in  Chapter  V.  The  story  went 
that  the  monk  requested  permission  of  his  abbot  to  adopt  the 
rules  of  Alfonso  of  Spain.  The  monarch,  himself  no  anchorite, 
imposed  three  obligations  upon  his  disciple:  to  eat  meat,  to 
write  songs  and  to  make  love  to  the  ladies.  "Et  el  si  fes"  — 
"and  so  he  did"  —  the  anecdote  ends. 

Peire  Vidal  (1175-1215)  was  ever  devoted  to  some  fair  dame. 
His  homage  more  often  brought  him  ridicule  than  the  lady's 
favor,  but  he  never  learned  discretion  by  misfortune.  In  spite 
of  his  extravagant  behavior,  however,  he  could  write  effective 
satire. 

Peire  Cardenal  (fl.  1210-1230)  was  reputed  to  have  almost 
attained  the  age  of  one  hundred.  He  came  of  an  honorable 
family.     When  young  he  had  been  one  of  the  gayest,  but  in 


10       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

the  years  of  his  poetic  composition,  he  had  become  pessimistic, 
writing  solely  of  the  evils  of  his  time. 

Guilhem  Figueira  flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth 
century.  He  was  an  admirer  of  Frederic  II.  He  was  born  in 
Toulouse,  but  was  forced  from  that  city  in  the  time  of  the 
Albigensian  Crusade.  He  took  up  his  abode  in  Lombardy, 
where  though  he  might  have  had  the  company  of  the  great,  he 
preferred  that  of  the  humble  and  even  that  of  the  disreputable 
tavern  folk. 

The  authorship  of  the  Chanson  de  la  Croisade  has  been  much 
disputed.  The  poem  purports  to  be  by  Guilhem  de  Tudela,  an 
eye-witness  of  the  war  and  a  sympathizer  with  the  Crusaders. 
As,  however,  after  fine  2769  these  same  Crusaders  are  held  up 
to  execration,  it  has  been  plausibly  conjectured  that  the  latter 
part  is  by  a  different  author. 

Concerning  Daspol,  no  more  is  known  than  that  he  composed 
a  Complaint  on  the  death  of  Saint  Louis  (d.  1270),  and  the 
tenson  of  the  text,  addressed  to  a  king  of  Aragon,  either  James  I 
or  his  son,  Peter  III. 

It  is  fortunate  that  we  may  view  the  spiritual  life  of  the  age 
from  so  many  angles  of  temperament.  We  have  the  testimony 
of  staid  churchmen,  of  gay  troubadours,  of  religious  zealots,  of 
men  of  affairs  and  of  scholars.  Naturally  most  of  our  authors 
were  clerics,  yet  the  medieval  clergy  was  a  less  homogeneous 
body  than  the  clergy  of  today,  ranging,  as  it  did,  from  mad- 
cap singers  like  the  Monk  of  Montaudan  to  wise  counselors  like 
Etienne  de  Fougeres.  Various  as  were  the  natures  of  these 
witnesses,  their  reports  of  prevalent  conditions  are  remarkably 
similar.  The  reactions  of  these  conditions  upon  each  observer 
will  be  examined  in  the  following  chapters. 


CHAPTER  I 

PROTEST  AGAINST  THE   SOCIAL   ORDER 

In  a  society  that  has  reached  the  industrial  and  commercial 
stage  of  our  own  nation,  it  may  be  quite  possible  to  possess 
either  political  or  economic  rights  solely.  Since,  however,  in 
feudal  society  both  privileges  had  been  usurped  by  the  sovereign 
and  his  great  lords,  political  and  economic  discontent  were 
inextricably  mingled  in  the  opposition  of  the  people  to  the 
ruling  class.  The  present  chapter,  accordingly,  will  consider 
the  twofold  claim  of  the  king  and  the  nobility  to  command 
obedience  and  to  appropriate  to  themselves  the  good  things  of 
earth. 

We  need  to  remember  that  the  rulers  of  France  during 
the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  were,  for  the  most  part, 
strong  men.  With  Philip  Augustus  (1180-1223)  began  the 
tradition  of  a  powerful  centralized  government.  That  king's 
seizure  of  the  Anglo-French  provinces  in  1204  and  his  victory 
at  Bouvines  in  1214  rid  the  monarchy  of  its  most  unruly  vassal, 
the  English  king.  The  Albigensian  War  (1209-1229)  strength- 
ened the  royal  power  in  southern  France.  The  noble  character 
of  Louis  IX  (1226-1270)  sanctified  the  monarchy  in  the  eyes 
of  his  subjects,  and  the  length  of  his  reign  must  have  further 
developed  veneration  for  royalty.  The  strength  of  the  French 
crown  was  manifest  at  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury in  the  victory  of  Philip  the  Fair  over  the  Pope.  Boniface 
VIII  had  tried  to  assert  the  authority  of  Gregory  VII  and 
Innocent  III,  but  his  French  successors  tamely  acquiesced  in  the 
"Babylonian  Captivity"  (1309-1376).  Boniface  failed  where 
Gregory  had  succeeded,  because  behind  Philip  was  a  central- 
ized government,  but  behind  Henry  IV  only  a  loose  confederacy. 


12       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

The  French  literature  of  the  period  reveals  naturally  enough 
reverence  for  the  kingly  office.  The  chansons  de  geste,  those  at 
least  of  the  earlier  and  finer  type,  had  been  the  poetic  expres- 
sion of  that  loyalty  to  the  leader  which  was  the  glory  and 
strength  of  the  old  Comitatus.  The  composition  of  an  occa- 
sional epic,  like  the  Pelerinage  de  Charlemagne,  inspired  by  the 
lively  spirit  of  the  feudal  barons,  had  not  seriously  undermined 
the  ancient  traditions.  Even  the  dream  of  a  society  without 
gradation  of  rank  was  quite  impossible  for  the  men  of  those 
early  times.  Apparently  they  could  no  more  have  conceived 
of  a  state  without  a  king  than  they  could  have  imaged  a 
beast  without  a  head. 

But  within  the  limits  of  their  political  conceptions  there  is 
often  a  surprising  independence  in  their  views  of  royal  privi- 
lege. Etienne  de  Fougeres,  writing  about  1174,  has  much  more 
to  say  concerning  the  duties  of  a  king  to  his  people  than  of  the 
people's  duties  to  their  sovereign. 

Reis  n'est  pas  son,  ainz  est  a  toz; 
S'il  por  sei  vit,  si  ne  est  proz. 
Obei'r  deit  le  common  (s)  voz, 
Se  il  sunt  bon  tot  a  lor  moz. 

Si  de  bien  vout  aveir  reison, 
A  toz  sera;  si  n'iert  pas  son. 
Oblier  deit  tot  le  son  bon 
Por  le  comun,  s'il  est  prodom. 

(Livre  des  manieres,  st.  41,  42)  l 

With  the  same  intention  of  emphasizing  the  responsibilities 
rather  than  the  pleasure  of  the  royal  station,  the  writer  who 
called  himself  "li  Renclus  de   Moiliens,"   in  his  Romans  de 

1  A  king  is  not  his  own;  rather  he  belongs  to  all;  if  he  lives  for  himself, 
he  is  unworthy  of  his  rank.  He  ought  to  obey  the  wishes  of  his  people, 
if  they  are  just  in  their  requests.  If  he  truly  desires  to  act  justly,  he  will 
put  himself  at  the  service  of  all  and  will  not  seek  his  own  advantage.  He 
ought  to  forget  his  particular  profit  for  the  general  welfare,  if  he  is  a  true 
knight. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  13 

Carite  addresses  to  the  king  nine  successive  stanzas  of  admoni- 
tion. The  repetition  of  "king"  thirty-seven  times  in  these 
stanzas  produces  an  effect  of  severity  which  is  strangely  at 
variance  with  the  subservience  one  might  have  expected  in  a 
subject.    The  tone  of  the  passage  may  be  seen  in  these  excerpts. 

Rois,  entierement  dois  traitier 
Chiaus  sor  cui  tu  as  maiestiere; 
Por  chou  sont  il  a  toi  rentier, 
Rois,  tu  ies  mis  haut  pour  gaitier 
Le  basse  gent  a  toi  rentiere. 

Rois,  doute  le  roi  dou  haut  throne; 

Soies  entiers  et  veritaus. 

Rois,  a  toi  soit  espoentaus 

Li  rois  des  rois,  ki  sor  tous  tone. 

(Romans  de  Carite,  st.  32,  33) 2 

In  the  phrase,  "Rois,  tu  es  mis  haut,"  one  may  perhaps  hear 
an  echo  of  the  apostle's  teaching,  "The  powers  that  be,  are 
ordained  of  God,"  that  teaching  which  later  was  developed  into 
the  mischievous  theory  of  the  divine  right  of  kings.  But  truly 
democratic  is  the  stress  laid  upon  the  divine  purpose  in  raising 
an  individual  to  the  regal  dignity, 

"pour  gaitier 
Le  basse  gent  a  toi  rentiere." 

If  the  political  ideal  of  these  medieval  thinkers  was  not  a  gov- 
ernment of  and  by  the  people,  it  was  surely  a  government  for 
the  people. 


2  King,  thou  oughtest  to  govern  uprightly  those  over  whom  thou  hast 
dominion.  For  this  reason  they  are  subject  to  thee;  King,  thou  art  set 
high  to  watch  over  the  lowly  people  subject  to  thee. 

King,  fear  the  King  of  heaven;  be  upright  and  truthful;  King,  hold 
in  awe  the  King  of  kings,  who  thunders  on  high. 


14      THE   SPIRIT   OF  PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

In  the  last  half  of  the  thirteenth  century,  Rutebeuf  and 
Jean  de  Meung,  men  closely  in  sympathy  with  the  University 
of  Paris,  were  bolder  in  their  attitude  towards  royalty.  Rute- 
beuf even  accused  Louis  IX  of  deadly  sin  in  permitting  or  order- 
ing the  exile  of  a  teacher  of  truth.  In  defence  of  Guillaume  de 
Saint-Amour  banished  at  the  instigation  of  the  Dominican 
Order  (1256),  he  writes: 

Qui  escille  homme  sanz  reson, 

Je  di  que  Diex  qui  vit  et  regne 

Le  doit  escillier  de  son  regne.  .  .  . 

Mestre  Guillaume  ont  escillie" 

Ou  li  rois  ou  li  apostoles: 

Or,  vous  dirai  a  briez  paroles 

Que  se  l'apostoiles  de  Romme 

Puet  escillier  d'autrui  terre  homme, 

Li  sires  n'a  nient  en  sa  terre 

Qui  la  veVite"  veut  enquerre. 

Se  li  Rois  dit  en  tel  mani&re, 

Qu'escillie"  l'ait  par  la  priere  (ed.  Jubinal,  pri&ze) 

Qu'il  ot  de  la  pape  Alixandre, 

Ci  poez  novel  droit  aprendre;  .  .  . 

Si  li  Rois  dist  qu'escillie  l'ait, 

Ci  a  tort  et  pechie"  et  lait, 

Qu'il  n'afiert  a  roi  ne  a  conte, 

S'il  entent  que  droiture  monte, 

Qu'il  escille  homme,  c'on  ne  voie 

Que  par  droit  escillier  le  doie; 

Et  se  il  autrement  le  fet, 

Sachiez,  de  voir,  qu'il  se  mesfet. 

Se  cil  devant  Dieu  li  demande, 

Je  ne  respont  pas  de  l'amande; 

Li  sans  Abel  requist  justise 

Quant  la  persone  fu  ocise. 

And  he  concludes: 

Endroit  de  moi  vous  puis  je  dire 
Je  ne  redout  pas  le  martire 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  15 

De  la  mort,  d'ou  qu'ele  me  viegne, 
S'ele  me  vient  por  tel  besoingne. 

(Diz  du  Maitre  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour)  3 

The  poet's  determination  to  speak  the  truth  at  whatever 
cost,  like  Socrates'  defiance  of  the  Athenian  tribunal,  rests  upon 
the  assumption  that  the  individual  conscience,  not  the  state 
injunction,  is  the  supreme  rule  of  action.  This  most  radical  of 
all  principles  is  thus  distinctly  expressed  in  an  early  French 
poem. 

The  Romance  of  the  Rose,  the  most  widely  read  book  of  the 
period,  expounds  not  the  divine  right  of  kings,  but  the  theory 
of  the  social  contract.  In  his  account  of  the  origin  of  society, 
Jean  de  Meung,  in  part  following  Ovid,  places  a  Golden  Age  of 
liberty  at  the  beginning  of  history.  Freedom  the  scholar-poet 
esteems  man's  greatest  blessing. 

Por  ce,  compains,  li  ancien, 
Sans  servitute  et  sans  lien, 
Pesiblement,  sans  vilenie, 
S'entreportoient  compaignie, 
N'il  ne  donassent  pas  franchise 
Por  l'or  d'Arabbe  ne  de  Frise.  .  .  . 

3  If  a  ruler  banishes  a  man  wrongfully,  I  say  that  God  who  lives  and 
reigns  ought  to  banish  him  from  his  kingdom.  .  .  .  Guillaume  has  been 
banished  either  by  the  king  or  by  the  pope.  Now  I  will  say  to  you  in  so 
many  words  that  if  the  pope  can  banish  a  man  from  another's  domain, 
the  truth  of  the  matter  is  that  the  ruler  has  no  rights  over  his  own  land. 
If  the  king  says  after  this  fashion,  that  he  banished  Guillaume  because 
of  the  request  made  by  Pope  Alexander,  from  this  case  you  can  learn  a 
new  papal  prerogative.  ...  If  the  king  says  that  he  banished  Guillaume 
of  his  own  will,  in  that  case  he  has  done  a  wrong  and  a  sin  and  an  outrage, 
for  it  is  not  within  the  power  either  of  king  or  count,  if  he  cares  that  justice 
prevail,  to  banish  a  man  when  no  one  can  see  how  he  may  lawfully  be 
banished;  and  if  the  king  acts  without  just  cause,  know  of  a  truth  that 
he  acts  wrongly.  If  Guillaume  before  God  accuses  the  king,  I  do  not 
answer  for  the  retribution.  When  Abel  was  slain,  his  blood  cried  aloud 
for  vengeance.  ...  As  for  myself  I  declare  to  you  that  1  do  not  fear  the 
martyrdom  of  death,  from  whatever  source  it  may  come,  if  it  comes  to 
me  in  such  a  cause. 


16       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Riche  estoient  tuit  £gaument, 
Et  s'entramoient  loiaument 
Les  simples  gens  de  bone  vie: 
Lors  iert  amors  sans  seignorie. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  10243-10271) 4 

But  evil  passions  entered  men's  hearts,  and  a  state  of  war 
ensued.  It  is  significant,  one  may  note  in  passing,  of  the 
preference  of  Jean  de  Meung  for  Classic  tradition  above  Scrip- 
tural, that  he  made  not  the  desire  of  knowledge,  but  the  love 
of  gold,  the  beginning  of  evil. 

[II]  se  tolurent  ce  qu'il  porent, 
Li  plus  fort  les  greignors  pars  orent; 
Et  quant  en  lor  porchas  coroient, 
Li  pereceus  qui  demoroient, 
S'en  entroient  en  lor  cavernes, 
Et  lor  embloient  lor  espernes. 
Lors  convint  que  Ten  esgardast 
Aucun  qui  les  loges  gardast, 
Et  qui  les  faut6ors  pr&st, 
Et  droit  as  plaintifs  en  f&st, 
Ne  nus  ne  l'osast  contredire. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  10345)  6 

Upon  the  medieval  poet  had  not  dawned  the  vision  of  the 
Superman:  the  law  of  combat,  which  awards  possession  to  the 
strongest  and  most  unscrupulous,  turned  out  so  badly  that  a 
primitive  government  was  formed. 

4  Therefore,  friend,  the  ancients,  without  servitude  or  bondage,  peace- 
fully, without  baseness,  associated  with  one  another,  and  they  would  not 
have  bartered  their  freedom  for  the  gold  of  Arabia  or  Phrygia.  Equally 
rich  were  all  men,  and  the  simple,  honest  people  loved  one  another  loyally. 
Then  love  knew  no  distinction  of  rank. 

6  Men  bore  off  what  they  could;  the  strongest  had  the  largest  share; 
and  when  they  were  off  upon  their  raids,  the  laggards  who  remained  behind 
entered  into  their  caves  and  stole  from  them  their  hoardings.  Then  it 
became  necessary  that  one  man  should  be  chosen  to  guard  their  dwelling- 
places  and  to  catch  the  plunderers,  and  that  he  should  inflict  justice  upon 
them  for  the  plaintiffs  and  that  no  one  should  dare  gainsay  him. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  17 

Un  grant  vilain  entr'  eus  eslurent, 
Le  plus  ossu  de  quanqu'il  furent, 
Le  plus  corsu  et  le  greignor, 
Si  le  firent  prince  et  seignor. 
Cil  jura  qu'a  droit  les  tendroit,  .  .  . 
Se  chascuns  endroit  soi  li  livre 
Des  biens  dont  il  se  puisse  vivre. 
Ainsinc  Font  entr'eus  acord6, 
Cum  cil  Tot  dit  et  records. 
Cil  tint  grant  piece  cest  office. 
Li  robeor  plain  de  malice 
S'assemblerent  quant  seul  le  virent, 
Et  par  maintes  fois  le  batirent 
Quant  les  biens  venoient  embler. 
Lors  r'estut  le  pueple  assembler 
Et  chascun  endroit  soi  taillier, 
Por  serjans  au  prince  baillier. 
Communement  lors  se  taillierent 
Et  tous  et  toutes  li  baillierent, 
Et  donerent  grans  tenemens. 
De  la  vint  li  commencemens 
As  rois,  as  princes  terriens, 
Selonc  l'escrit  as  anciens. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  10357)  8 

It  is  creditable  to  the  tolerance  of  the  thirteenth  century 
that  the  author  of  the  Romance  of  the  Rose  dared  ascribe  so 


6  They  chose  a  stout  peasant  from  their  number,  the  sturdiest  of  them 
all,  the  most  stalwart  and  the  tallest,  and  they  made  him  prince  and  lord. 
He  swore  that  he  would  govern  them  justly  if  each  from  his  own  share 
would  give  to  him  possessions  on  which  he  might  live.  Accordingly  an 
agreement  was  made  between  him  and  them  just  as  he  had  promised  and 
stipulated.  He  held  this  office  a  long  time.  The  robbers,  full  of  malice, 
flocked  together  when  they  saw  him  alone  and  many  times  beat  him  when 
they  came  committing  depredations.  Then  it  was  again  necessary  for  the 
people  to  assemble  and  for  each  to  lay  his  property  under  contribution  to 
provide  men-at-arms  for  the  prince.  Then  all  alike  assessed  themselves 
and  all  gave  of  their  substance  to  him,  and  provided  him  with  great  hold- 
ings. From  this  time  dates  the  beginning  of  kings  and  temporal  princes, 
according  to  the  ancients.. 


18      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST  IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

humble  an  origin  to  royalty.  The  far  milder  sentiment  of 
Voltaire, 

Le  premier  qui  fut  roi,  fut  un  soldat  heureux, 

was  considered  a  bold  saying  in  the  eighteenth  century.  So 
late  as  1827  when  Victor  Hugo  wished  a  quotation  of  decidedly 
revolutionary  character  for  the  preface  to  his  Cromwell,  he 
could  find  no  better  challenge  to  despotism  than  these  lines  of 
the  thirteenth  century  poet. 

Even  less  deference  is  accorded  to  the  royal  dignity  in  the 
discourse  assigned  by  Jean  de  Meung  to  Nature.  The  old  belief 
that  comets  foretell  the  death  of  princes  is,  according  to  the 
author,  erroneous. 

Car  lor  cors  ne  vault  une  pome 
Oultre  le  cors  d'un  charruier, 
Ou  d'un  clerc  ou  d'un  escuier: 
Car  g'es  fais  tous  semblables  estre, 
Si  cum  il  apert  a  lor  nestre. 
Par  moi  nessent  semblable  et  nu, 
Fort  et  fi£ble,  gros  et  menu: 
Tous  les  met  en  equalite" 
Quant  a  l'estat  d'umanite\ 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  19525)  7 

Several  poems  of  the  time  express  their  author's  belief  that 
the  best  service  which  the  king  can  do  his  subjects  is  to  preserve 
peace  with  other  kings  and  with  his  own  vassals,  inasmuch  as, 
whichever  side  wins,  it  is  the  people  who  pay  the  cost.  When 
we  consider  how  unpopular  and  even  dangerous  is  the  position 
of  the  pacifist  in  the  present  conflict  (1916),  we  shall  find  high 
praise  for  the  fearlessness  of  Etienne  de  Fougeres  and  Guillaume 
le  Clerc. 

7  For  the  body  of  a  prince  is  not  worth  an  apple  more  than  the  body 
of  a  ploughman  or  of  a  cleric  or  of  a  squire,  for  I  [Nature]  make  them  all 
alike,  just  as  appears  at  their  birth.  By  me  they  are  born  alike  and  naked, 
the  strong  and  the  weak,  the  great  and  the  small;  I  put  them  all  on  an 
equality  as  to  their  common  humanity. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  19 

Reis  deit  amer  peiz  et  concorde 
Jugement  o  misericorde; 
Celui  deit  pendre  o  une  corde 
Qui  porchace  guerre  o  discorde. 

N'eit  pas  envie  de  autrui  terre 
Esgaugrinier  n'a  tort  conquer  re; 
Quar  por  itant  mout  sovent  guerre 
Qui  gent  essille  et  gent  enterre. 

(Livre  des  mani&res,  st.  23,  24)  8 

Si  vus  dirrai  des  plus  puissanz 
Des  plus  riches  e  des  plus  granz, 
Des  reis,  des  contes,  e  des  dus 
Qui  des  regnes  ont  le  desus, 
Qui  s'entretolent  e  guerreient 
E  lor  povre  gent  desconreient, 
Qui  tutes  lor  guerres  compirent; 
Sovent  en  plorent  e  sospirent. 
Ore  iert  un  reis  de  grant  puissance, 
Ou  en  Alemaigne  ou  en  France;  .  .  . 
Se  l'un  a  l'autre  a  mesfait, 
Li  vilains  qui  est  al  garait, 
Le  compire  a  un  jor  si  cher 
Que  il  n'a  la  nuit  ou  cochier; 
Ainz  est  arse  sa  mesonette 
Qu'il  aveit  basse  e  petitette, 
E  pris  ses  boes  e  ses  berbiz, 
Liez  ses  filles  e  ses  fiz 
E  il  mene  prison  chaitifs 
Qu'il  li  peise  que  il  est  vis.  .  .  . 
Reis  crestiens,  deus!  que  fera 
Qui  de  son  regne  getera 
Trente  mil  homes  combatanz 
Qui  larront  femmes  e  enfanz 

8  A  king  ought  to  love  peace  and  concord,  justice  with  mercy;  be  who 
causes  war  and  dissension  ought  to  be  hanged  with  a  rope. 

Let  no  king  desire  to  seize  the  land  of  another  or  to  conquer  it  unjustly; 
for  in  this  way  he  often  starts  a  war  which  brings  men  to  exile  and  death. 


20       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Com  orphenins  a  lor  ostels, 
Quant  il  vunt  es  esturs  mortels. 
Dont  tost  en  serront  mil  oscis, 
Ja  puis  ne  verront  lor  pais, 
E  autretant  del  autre  part. 
Ja  li  rei  ne  prendront  regart 
Com  bien  en  chiet  en  la  bataille : 
Ja  ne  feront  conte  ne  taille: 
Ne  chaut  a  Tun  qu'il  ait  perdu, 
Mes  que  il  ait  l'autre  vencu. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  765)  9 

Yet  a  man  may  rightfully  defend  his  country. 

Mes  cil  qui  d'autre  part  vendront 

Qui  en  la  bataille  morront 

En  demandant  l'autri  a  tort, 

Di  jeo  que  sont  malement  mort.  .  .  . 

Coment  serreit  l'alme  garrie, 

Qui  tantes  en  a  fait  perir 

E  sanz  confession  morir 

Por  home  a  tort  desheriter. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  823)  10 

9  I  will  speak  also  to  you  of  the  most  powerful,  of  the  richest,  and  of 
the  greatest,  of  kings,  of  counts  and  of  dukes,  who  have  the  control  of 
kingdoms.  These  plunder  one  another's  territory  and  wage  war,  and 
distress  the  poor  people  who  pay  for  all  the  wars  of  their  lords,  and  often 
weep  thereat  and  sigh.  At  some  time  there  may  be  a  king  of  great  power 
in  Germany  or  in  France;  ...  if  one  king  injures  the  other,  the  peasant, 
who  is  on  the  soil,  pays  for  the  wrong  some  day  so  dearly  that  he  has  not 
where  to  sleep  at  night;  nay,  even  the  cottage  that  he  had  low  and  small 
is  burned  and  his  oxen  and  sheep  are  seized,  his  sons  and  daughters  bound, 
and  he  himself  led  away  a  wretched  prisoner  so  that  he  is  sorry  to  be  alive. 
.  .  .  God!  how  shall  a  Christian  king  send  forth  from  his  kingdom  thirty 
thousand  fighting  men,  who  must  leave  their  bereaved  wives  and  children 
at  home,  when  they  go  into  mortal  combats  in  which  a  thousand  shall 
soon  be  slain  and  never  again  see  their  country,  and  as  many  men  on  the 
other  side.  Never  will  the  kings  take  heed  how  many  fall  in  the  battle. 
Never  will  they  make  count  or  reckoning;  nor  does  either  care  what  he 
has  lost,  provided  that  he  has  conquered  the  other. 

10  But  as  for  those  who  shall  come  from  a  foreign  country  and  die  in 
battle  in  support  of  unjust  demands  upon  another  people,  I  maintain  that 


PROTEST   AGAINST  THE   SOCIAL   ORDER  21 

The  death  of  Louis  VIII  (November  8,  1226),  while  engaged 
in  the  successful  prosecution  of  an  indefensible  war,  conveys 
to  Guillaume  a  pertinent  and  awful  warning.  Nemesis  is 
neither  blind  nor  slow  in  exacting  retribution. 

El  contemple  qu'il  fist  ces  vers 
Aveit  la  mort  gete  envers 
Le  rei  de  France  Loeis, 
Qui  ert  eissu  de  son  pais 
Por  autrui  terre  purchacier: 
Les  Provenciaus  cuida  chacer, 
Les  Tolosanz  prendre  e  honir: 
E  quant  il  cuida  tut  tenir, 
Tut  guaagnier  e  tut  aveir, 
Si  li  failli  tut  son  espeir. 
De  France  ne  de  Normendie 
Ne  de  tute  sa  seignurie 
Ne  des  granz  terres  qu'il  teneit, 
Ou  fust  a  tort  ou  fust  a  dreit, 
N'ot  que  siet  piez  tant  solement. 
A  tant  revint  son  tenement. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  159)  u 

Guillaume  had  the  democratic  suspicion  of  secret  diplomacy. 
He  wrote  the  Bestiaire  while  England  lay  under  the  papal  inter- 
dict. So  keenly  did  he  feel  for  the  innocent  people,  deprived  of 
religious    consolation   because   of   the   machinations   of   rival 

they  are  guilty  of  mortal  sin.  .  .  .  How  should  his  soul  be  saved  who  has 
made  so  many  men  perish  and  die  without  confession,  in  order  to  take 
away  wrongfully  some  one's  possessions? 

11  At  the  very  time  that  the  author  made  these  verses,  death  had  struck 
down  Louis,  the  king  of  France,  who  had  gone  out  from  his  own  country 
to  gain  possession  of  the  land  of  another;  he  planned  to  drive  out  the 
people  of  Provence,  to  capture  and  put  to  shame  the  men  of  Toulouse; 
and  when  he  thought  that  he  held  everything  and  had  gained  everything 
and  had  everything,  then  all  his  hope  failed  him.  Of  France  and  of  Nor- 
mandy, of  all  his  dominion,  of  the  vast  territory  that  he  held,  whether 
justly  or  unjustly,  he  had  merely  seven  feet.  To  so  little  was  his  empire 
reduced. 


22       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

princes,  that,  although  the  wrong  was  aloof  from  his  immediate 
subject,  he  made  one  indignant  protest. 

Ceste  ovraigne   [Le  Bestiaire]  fut  fete  noeve 

El  tens  que  Phelipe  tint  France, 

El  tens  de  la  grant  mesestance, 

Qu'Engleterre  fu  entredite, 

Si  qu'il  n'i  aveit  messe  dite 

Ne  cors  mis  en  terre  sacree.  .  .  . 

De  l'entredit  ne  lui  agree, 

Que  a  ceste  feiz  plus  en  die, 

Por  ceo  que  dreiture  mendie 

E  lealte  est  povre  e  basse. 

Tote  ceste  chose  trespasse 

Guillaume  qui  forment  s'en  doelt, 

Qui  n'ose  dire  ceo  qu'il  voelt 

De  la  tricherie  qui  cort 

E  en  Tune  e  en  l'altre  cort. 

(Bestiaire,  1.  10) 12 

The  most  direct  attack  upon  the  king  is  met  with  in  Fauvel, 
an  ultra-clerical  poem,  the  first  part  of  which  (that  from  which 
I  quote)  was  dated  by  the  author,  1310.  The  beast  Fauvel 
symbolizes  any  unworthy  means  of  advancement.  The  author 
was  bitterly  opposed  both  to  Philip  the  Fair,  because  of  his  en- 
croachments on  the  privileges  of  the  Church,  and  to  the  French 
bishops,  because  of  their  acquiescence  in  the  royal  policy. 

Un  en  i  a  qui  est  seignor 
Entre  les  autres  le  greignour 
Et  en  noblece  et  en  puissance; 
De  bien  torchier  Fauvel  s'avance; 

12  This  work  was  composed  in  the  time  when  Philip  ruled  France,  in 
the  time  of  the  great  distress,  when  England  was  laid  under  interdict  so 
that  there  was  no  mass  said  or  body  buried  in  consecrated  ground.  .  .  . 
As  for  the  interdict,  it  is  not  pleasing  to  this  author  to  say  more  about  it 
at  this  time,  because  honesty  is  now  a  beggar  and  loyalty  is  poor  and 
abased.  Guillaume  passes  over  all  this  subject,  although  he  grieves 
heavily  at  it,  because  he  dares  not  say  what  he  wishes  concerning  the 
treachery  which  prevails  both  in  the  court  of  France  and  that  of  England. 


PROTEST  AGAINST   THE   SOCIAL   ORDER  23 

De  1'une  main  touse  la  crigne. 
Et  o  l'autre  main  tient  le  pigne. 

(Fauvel,  fol.  2) 13 

From  the  foregoing  passages  it  may  be  concluded  that,  if 
much  was  given  to  a  king  of  medieval  France,  much  too  was 
expected  of  him.  But  as,  under  the  feudal  system,  it  was  with 
the  nobles  rather  than  with  the  king  that  the  people  came  di- 
rectly in  contact,  so  it  was  against  the  nobles  chiefly  that  the 
voices  of  the  social  reformers  uttered  denunciations.  Encomia 
of  this  or  that  nobleman  are,  it  is  true,  plentiful  enough,  but 
such  laudations  are  inspired  by  the  purely  personal  gratitude 
of  poet  to  patron. 

The  verse  of  the  period  abundantly  testifies  to  the  hard  lot 
of  the  people.  Rutebeuf,  deprived  in  middle  life  of  his  powerful 
protectors,  and  further  impoverished  by  an  imprudent  marriage, 
knew  well  the  distress  of  poverty.  His  half-dozen  autobio- 
graphical poems  reveal  to  us  the  wretchedness  of  the  very  poor, 
as  do  no  other  writings  till  we  come  to  Villon.  His  was  an 
"embarras  de  pauvreteV' 

Je  ne  sai  par  ou  je  coumance 
Tant  ai  de  matyere  abondance 
Por  parleir  de  ma  povretei.  .  .  . 
Vivres  me  faut  et  est  failliz.  .  .  . 
Je  touz  de  froit,  de  fain  baaille 
Dont  je  suis  mors  et  maubailliz. 

With  rueful  pleasantry  he  raises  a  sorry  laugh  at  his  own  sad 

II  m'i  souvient  plus  de  Saint  Pou 
Qu'il  ne  fait  de  nul  autre  apotre. 

(Povretei  Rutebeuf)  u 

13  There  is  one  who  is  the  greatest  lord  among  lords,  both  in  station 
and  in  power.  He  steps  forward  to  curry  Favor;  with  one  hand  he  cuts 
the  mane,  and  with  the  other  hand  he  holds  the  comb. 

u  I  do  not  know  where  to  begin,  such  abundance  of  matter  I  have  when 
I  speak  of  my  poverty.  I  need  food  and  have  none.  I  cough  with  cold, 
I  yawn  with  hunger  which  weakens  me  and  brings  me  to  death's  door.  .  .  . 
1  think  more  often  of  Saint  Paul  (Little)  than  I  do  of  any  other  apostle. 


24       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH    LITERATURE 

Speaking  of  the  scanty  fare  that  he  can  provide  for  his  wife  he 

Grant  loisir  a  de  sauver  s'ame: 
Or  geunt  por  la  douce  Dame 
Qu'ele  a  loisir. 

Landlord  and  tradesman  press  for  settlement.    Hardest  to  bear 
of  all  sorrows,  friends  fall  away. 

Ja  n'i  sera  ma  porte  ouverte, 
Quar  ma  meson  est  trop  deserte, 

Et  povre  et  gaste, 
Sovent  n'i  a  ne  pain  ne  paste. 
Ne  me  blasmez  se  ne  me  haste  (ed.  Jub.,  je  me  haste) 

D'aler  arriere 
Que  ja  n'i  aura  bele  chiere,  .  .  . 

Se  je  n'aporte. 

C'est  ce  qui  plus  me  desconforte, 

Que  je  n'ose  huchier  a  ma  porte 

A  vuide  main. 

(Manage  Rutebeuf) 16 

Que  sont  mi  ami  devenu 
Que  j'avoie  si  press  tenu 

Et  tant  ame7  .  .  . 
N'en  vi  un  seul  en  mon  ost6 : 
Je  cuit  li  vens  les  a  oste\ 

L'amor  est  morte: 
Ce  sont  ami  que  vens  emporte, 
Et  il  ventoit  devant  ma  porte. 

(Complainte  Rutebeuf) 16 

16  My  wife  has  plenty  of  leisure  to  save  her  soul;  now  she  can  fast  for 
our  sweet  Lady,  for  she  has  time  enough.  .  .  .  Never  will  a  caller  open 
my  door,  for  my  house  is  quite  deserted  and  poor  and  ruined.  Often  there 
is  neither  bread  nor  pastry  in  it.  Do  not  blame  me  if  I  do  not  hasten  to 
return  home,  for  I  have  no  kindly  welcome  if  I  bring  nothing.  That  is  what 
distresses  me  the  most,  that  I  dare  not  knock  at  my  own  door  empty- 
handed. 

16  What  has  become  of  my  friends  whom  I  held  so  dear  and  loved  so 
much?  ...  I  do  not  see  a  single  one  in  my  home.  I  believe  that  the 
wind  has  blown  them  away.  Love  is  dead.  They  are  friends  whom  the 
wind  blows  away  and  the  wind  blew  hard  in  front  of  my  door.  .  .  . 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  25 

In  his  jar  of  troubles  only  hope  remains: 

L'esp£rance  de  lendemain, 
Ce  sont  mes  festes. 

(Manage  Rutebeuf)  n 

That  Rutebeuf's  misery  did  not  lack  company  appears  from 
the  Diz  des  Ribaux  de  Greive,  a  poem  of  only  twelve  lines,  but 
steeped  in  squalor  and  despair. 

Ribaut,  or  estes  vos  a  point 
Li  arbre  despoillent  lor  branches 
Et  vos  n'aveiz  de  robe  point; 
Si  en  aureiz  froit  a  vos  hanches, 
Que  il  vos  fussent  or  li  porpoint 
Et  li  seurquot  forrei  a  manches. 
Vos  aleiz  en  estai  si  joint, 
Et  en  yver  aleis  si  cranche, 
Vostre  soleir  n'ent  mesteir  d'oint, 
Vos  faites  de  vos  talons  planghes. 18 

It  is  true  that  such  passages  are  merely  cries  of  personal  dis- 
tress, that  these  poets  sought  no  remedy  for  the  destitution 
about  them  in  a  re-adjustment  of  society;  yet  it  is  a  significant 
moment  in  the  history  of  social  revolution  when  an  oppressed 
class  becomes  conscious  of  its  misery.  It  is  but  a  short  step  to 
judging  that  misery  a  wrong. 

Etienne  de  Fougeres  draws  a  touching  picture  of  the  wretch- 
edness of  his  day,  which  is  also  an  arraignment  of  the  injustice 
and  selfishness  of  the  nobility.  (The  text  of  this  poem  is  corrupt, 
but  the  meaning  is  clear.) 

17  The  hope  of  the  morrow,  that  alone  makes  my  banquets. 

is  Wretches,  now  you  are  in  hard  condition.  The  trees  are  losing  their 
branches,  and  you  have  no  cloak;  and  you  will  have  cold  in  your  body. 
Would  that  you  had  now  doublets  and  furred  surcoats  with  sleeves!  You 
trip  about  in  summer  lightly  and  in  winter  you  step  painfully.  Your 
shoes  have  no  need  of  grease;  you  use  your  heels  for  sole-leather. 


26      THE   SPIRIT  OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH  LITERATURE 

[Li  noble]  .  .  . 

Lor  dreites  rentes  en  receivent, 

Peis  les  menjuent  et  les  beivent: 

Et  les  engeunent  et  deceivent,     , 

Ne  se  gardent  que  fei  lor  deivent  (st.  138). 

Si  ques  en  oi  tote  jor  pleindre 
Qu'il  ne  lor  pout  chose  remeindre 
Que  il  peisent  aveir  n'ateindre. 

Quant  li  dolent  de  fein  baillent, 

II  les  robent  et  il  les  taillent, 

II  les  peinent,  il  les  travaillent, 

Moult  corvees  ne  lor  faillent  (st.  136,  137). 

Por  un  sol  poi  de  mesprison 
Le  fiert  do  poin  ou  del  tison, 
Peis  le  trebuche  en  sa  prison; 
Tote  li  tot  sa  garison. 

De  lui  mal  feire  ne  coarde, 

Tot  le  son  gaste  et  debar  de, 

Morir  le  leit  qu'il  nel  regarde; 

Mau  seit  garder  qiti  issi  garde  (st.  140,  141). 

Molt  devon  chiers  avoir  nos  ohmes, 
Quar  li  vilen  portent  les  somes 
Dont  nos  vivon  quant  que  nos  summes 
Et  chevaliers  et  clers  et  domes  (st.  145). 

Terres  arer,  norir  aumaille, 
Sor  le  vilain  est  la  bataille; 
Quar  chevalier  et  clerc  sanz  faille 
Vivent  de  ce  que  il  travaille. 

Moult  a  travail  et  moult  a  peine, 
Au  meilor  jor  de  la  semaine 
II  seinme  seigle,  il  here  avoine, 
II  fauche  prez,  il  tose  leine, 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE   SOCIAL   ORDER  27 

II  fet  paliz,  il  fet  meiseires, 
II  fet  estanz  par  ces  rivieres, 
Primes  corvees,  peis  preieres 
Et  peis  cent  choses  costumieres. 

Ne  mengera  ja  de  bon  pain; 
Nos  en  avon  le  meillor  grein; 
Et  le  plus  lies  et  le  plus  sein; 
La  droe  remeint  au  vilain. 

S'il  a  grasse  oie  ou  geline 

Ne  gastel  de  blanche  farine, 

A  son  seignor  tot  la  destine  (st.  170-174)  .... 

De  bon  morsel  onques  ne  taste, 
Ne  il  d'oisel,  ne  il  de  haste. 

(Livre  des  manikres,  st.  176) 19 

19  The  lords  receive  from  the  peasants  their  due  rents,  which  they 
squander  in  eating  and  drinking;  and  they  keep  their  laborers  fasting, 
and  deceive  them  and  do  not  preserve  the  faith  they  owe  them.  I  hear 
them  complain  every  day  that  for  them  nothing  remains  that  they  can 
get  or  own.  When  the  wretched  ones  yawn  with  hunger,  their  lords  rob 
them  and  tax  them;  they  lay  burdens  upon  them,  they  overwork  them; 
the  forced  labor  is  never  remitted.  For  a  slight  act  of  disrespect  the  lord 
strikes  the  peasant  with  his  fist  or  with  a  stake;  then  he  thrusts  him  into 
prison;  he  takes  from  him  his  entire  living.  He  does  not  shrink  from 
doing  the  peasant  harm,  he  lays  waste  and  plunders  all  his  property,  he 
lets  him  die  without  concern;  he  who  protects  thus  knows  ill  how  to 
protect.  We  ought  to  hold  our  working-men  very  dear,  for  the  peasants 
bear  the  burdens  whereby  we  all  live,  knights,  clerics,  and  ladies.  Plough- 
ing the  fields,  feeding  the  cattle,  these  tasks  fall  upon  the  peasant;  for 
knights  and  priests  surely  live  upon  his  toil.  He  has  hard  work  and  heavy 
toil;  on  the  best  day  of  the  week  he  sows  barley,  he  ploughs  the  wheat, 
he  mows  the  meadows,  he  shears  wool.  He  makes  fences,  he  makes  en- 
closures, he  constructs  fish-pools  by  the  rivers;  first  the  forced  labor, 
then  benevolences,  then  a  hundred  other  imposts.  He  will  never  eat  good 
bread;  we  have  the  best  grain  and  the  finest  and  the  most  wholesome; 
the  bran  remains  for  the  peasant.  If  he  has  a  fat  goose  or  a  chicken  or 
a  cake  of  white  flour,  he  intends  it  all  for  his  lord.  He  never  tastes  a  good 
morsel,  bird  or  roast. 


28      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

It  must  be  confessed  that  Etienne's  pity  for  the  hardships 
of  the  poor  man's  lot  is  by  no  means  a  counsel  of  revolt.  The 
pious  bishop  could  not  suffer  his  flock  to  murmur  against  what 
was  to  him  the  will  of  God.  Why  should  not  the  Ruler  of  the 
Universe  give  or  take  away  as  seems  best  to  him?  The  belief 
in  the  divine  order  of  society  thus  appears  as  great  a  hindrance 
to  social  progress  as  the  theory  of  the  divine  right  of  kings  to 
political  advance.  The  thinkers  of  the  Middle  Ages  could  not 
recognize  in  the  distribution  of  wealth  a  strictly  human  eco- 
nomic process.  Etienne,  moreover,  failed  to  appreciate  the 
injustice  of  the  social  system  because  he  held  a  belief  which 
in  practice  works  out  ill,  —  the  belief  that,  as  the  wrongs  of  the 
present  world  will  find  full  recompense  after  this  short  life  is 
over,  such  wrongs  do  not  greatly  matter. 

The  same  inadequacy  of  view  impairs  the  value  of  the  Besant 
de  Dieu.  Guillaume's  heart  is  wrung  by  the  suffering  of  the 
poor,  but  the  touching  cry  of  the  downtrodden  against  God  is 
blamed  by  the  cleric,  and  no  way  of  escape  by  human  means 
is  pointed  out.  It  is  much,  however,  that  the  tyranny  of  the 
great  should  be  so  clearly  and  boldly  rebuked,  and  that  the 
reproof  should  be  administered  in  the  name  of  religion. 

Mult  font  nos  princes  terriens, 

Nomeement  ces  crestiens, 

Choses  que  faire  ne  deussent, 

Se  pite  e  merci  eussent. 

Mes  li  plusor  sont  sanz  merci.  .  .  . 

E  sont  ausi  come  tiranz, 

Vers  eels  sor  qui  il  sont  puissanz, 

Sur  lur  cols  mettent  tels  baillis 

Qui  les  escorcent  trestut  vis 

E  desheritent  e  deraiment.  .  .  . 

Li  riche  volent  aveir  tot. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  847-863) 20 


20 


Our  feudal  lords,  Christians  in  name,  do  things  they  should  not  do 
if  they  had  pity  and  mercy,  but  most  of  them  are  without  mercy,  and 
are  just  like  tyrants  towards  those  over  whom  they  have  power;  on  their 


PROTEST  AGAINST   THE    SOCIAL   ORDER  29 

The  author  records,  condemning,  it  is  true,  as  impiety,  the 
cry  of  the  poor. 

Povres  i  a  fols  e  dolenz 
Qui  so  vent  dient,  "Sire  deus, 
Por  quei  nus  feistes  vus  tels 
Q'oncques  biens  temporals  n'eumes? 
A  male  hore  conceu  fumes." 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  1146)  a 

When  the  young  man  uses  his  gifts  of  mind  or  body  to  injure 
the  poor,  Guillaume  warns  him  that  he  is  warring  against  God, 
the  protector  of  the  poor. 

Donques  s'orgoillist  e  estent  .  .  . 

E  si  guerreie  damnede 

De  ceo  que  il  li  a  done. 

Se  il  est  fort,  si  velt  combatre 

Por  son  povre  veisin  abatre : 

S'il  est  sages,  si  velt  plaidier 

Por  autrui  terre  guaaigner. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  281)  » 

The  contemporary  poems  of  the  Hermit,  Carite  and  Miserere, 
show  the  same  spirit  of  discontent  among  the  peasants,  the 
same  murmur  against  a  God  who  could  allow  injustice.  The 
author,  fully  alive  to  the  wrongs  of  the  poor,  puts  their  case 
well  in  a  question  which  they  are  supposed  to  address  to  him: 

Maistre,  ki  tant  nous  espoentes,  .  .  . 
.  .  .  je  vuel  savoir  ke  tu  sentes 
De  chiaus  ki  vont  les  dures  sentes, 

necks  they  put  such  overseers  as  flay  them  all  living  and  strip  them  of 
possessions  and  raiment.  .  .  .  The  rich  wish  to  have  all. 

21  There  are  poor  men  who  in  their  folly  and  misery  often  say:  "Lord 
God,  why  didst  thou  create  men  like  us  who  never  had  worldly  goods? 
Ill  was  the  hour  in  which  we  were  born." 

22  Then  the  young  man  swells  with  pride  and  so  makes  war  upon  the 
Lord  with  what  the  Lord  has  given  him.  If  he  is  strong,  he  wishes  to 
fight  in  order  to  crush  his  poor  neighbor;  if  he  is  clever,  he  wishes  to  use 
the  court  to  gain  another's  land. 


30       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Se  chil  cui  Dius  bat  cascun  di 

Seront  rebatu:  chou  me  di! 

Che  sont  chil  enferm,  chil  mendi. 

II  sanle  de  ches  gens  dolentes 

Ke  Deus  onkes  n'i  entendi. 

Ki  n'acata  ne  ne  vendi 

De  quel  markie'  paiera  ventes?  .  .  . 

Et  ki  ricoise  a  encarkie* 
Et  si  grans  pars  a  emparkie" 
De  terre,  bien  sera  venus 
S'il  a  dou  chiel  autel  marki£; 
Donkes  a  il  tout  enarkiS; 
Dont  est  Dius  cousins  devenus 
As  gros,  et  si  het  les  menus! 
Dius  a  les  rikes  retenus; 
Se  il  s'en  vont  dous  fois  carkie*; 
S'il  sont  dous  fois  les  dos  lanus, 
Et  li  povres  est  dous  fois  nus, 
Dont  sont  li  povre  sousmarkie\ 

(Romans  de  Carite,  st.  199,  200)  M 

The  poet  answers,  restating  the  peasant's  case  and  giving 
judgment  as  if  for  God: 

Dius,  je  fui  enfers  et  mendis, 
Et  por  chou  joie  avoir  voldrai. 

13  Master,  you  who  terrify  us  so  much,  ...  I  wish  to  know  what  you 
think  concerning  those  who  travel  the  hard  paths,  whether  those  whom 
God  scourges  every  day  will  be  scourged  anew  [after  death]:  tell  me  that! 
I  mean  the  infirm  and  the  needy.  It  seems  that  God  cares  nothing  for 
these  wretched  folk.  How  shall  those  who  have  nothing  to  buy  with 
and  nothing  to  sell  pay  for  goods  in  any  market?  And  the  man  who 
has  amassed  riches  and  has  enclosed  a  great  extent  of  land,  he  will  be  very 
fortunate  if  he  makes  the  like  bargain  with  Heaven.  In  that  case  he  has 
every  good  locked  up  in  his  own  chest:  then  has  God  become  the  cousin 
of  the  great  and  hates  the  humble !  God  has  preserved  the  rich,  and  they 
go  about  laden  with  a  double  blessing.  If  they  have  their  backs  twice 
covered  with  wool,  and  the  poor  man  is  twice  naked,  then  are  the  poor 
of  little  value. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  31 

—  Amis,  jou  rien  ne  te  toldrai 
Se  tu  a  moi  ton  cuer  tendis.  — 

—  Sire,  non!  moi  pesa  tous  dis 
De  chou  ke  si  pres  me  tondis.  — 

—  Ke  dont?     Ma  berbis  ne  tondrai? 
Par  toi  tes  jugemens  est  dis; 

Se  ton  viaurre  envis  me  rendis, 
Ore  plus  pres  te  retondrai. 

(Romans  de  Carite,  st.  202)  M 

Even  this  answer,  however,  of  the  orthodox  churchman  and 
the  cold  comfort  of  the  advice  that  follows,  to  imitate  Job  and 
Lazarus,  cannot  efface  the  genuine  pity  that  makes  the  peasant's 
complaint  the  most  affecting  passage  in  Carite. 

The  theme  is  developed  with  a  slight  variation  in  the  author's 
second  poem  Miserere.  It  is  now  the  rich  man  who  is  taken  to 
task  for  his  hardness  of  heart.  The  poet  writes  in  the  spirit  of 
Tolstoy;  he  would  fain  restore  the  spirit  of  the  early  Church, 
in  which  all  Christians  were  united  in  brotherly  love.  He  de- 
picts with  great  vividness  the  torments  of  Dives  in  Hell. 

Ch'  est  drois  ke  on  le  bate  et  bout, 
L'enfrun  vilain,  ki  manja  tout, 
Onques  au  ladre  n'en  fist  part. 
Entend6s  cha,  li  fol,  li  glout! 
Ki  tant  engorge  et  tant  englout 
Boive  a  mesure  et  si  se  gart. 

(Miserere,  st.  42)  K 


u  "Lord,  I  was  infirm  and  needy  and  therefore  I  expect  to  have 
eternal  bliss."  —  "Friend,  I  will  not  take  from  thee  anything  if  thou  sub- 
mittest  thy  heart  to  me."  —  "Lord,  no!  I  murmur  every  day  because  thou 
shearest  me  so  closely."  —  "What  then?  Shall  I  not  shear  my  sheep? 
Thy  condemnation  is  spoken  by  thy  own  mouth.  If  thou  yieldest  me 
unwillingly  thy  fleece,  I  will  shear  thee  yet  more  closely." 

25  It  is  right  that  Dives  should  be  beaten  and  shoved,  the  greedy  knave, 
who  feasted  alone  without  giving  any  share  to  the  beggar.  Hear  this, 
you  fools  and  gluttons!  Let  him  who  eats  and  drinks  to  excess,  drink 
moderately,  and  save  his  soul. 


32       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Many  a  rich  man's  end  is  that  of  Dives: 

O  rikes  home,  si  povre  fin! 
Mar  veis  l'argent  et  Tor  fin 
Et  l'avoir,  dont  tant  agrapas.  .  .  . 
Dieus  se  venge  ore  dou  bon  vin 
Ke  tant  beiis  et  tant  lapas. 
Por  chou  as  ore  le  lampas, 
Ke  tes  orilles  estoupas 
Au  mesel  povre  pelerin, 
Lazaron,  sans  cui  tu  soupas.  .  .  . 

As  rikes  est  espoventaus 

Et  as  povres  est  confortaus 

Chil  essemples  ke  j'ai  escrit. 

Trop  prent  kier  les  biens  temporaus 

Chil  ki  sans  fin  perist  por  aus. 

Et  li  povres,  cui  on  despit, 

S'il  set  despire  chest  despit, 

Rois  est  dou  chiel,  car  Dieus  le  dit. 

O  rikes  hom,  peu  caritaus, 

Infers  toi  atent  sans  respit. 

Et  toi,  povres,  (sueffre  un  petit!) 

Atent  paradis  delitaus.  .  .  . 

Conseille  toi,  fous  mal  estruis! 

Cuides  ke  Dieus  te  doinst  les  fruis 

De  le  tere  por  toi  soul  paistre? 

Tu  as  en  ton  grenier  tans  muis, 

Et  li  greniers  ton  proisme  est  vuis, 

Ki  n'a  ses  enfants  dont  repaistre, 

Dont  il  a  sis  ou  set  en  l'aistre. 

Por  chiaus  fist  Dieus  tant  de  biens  naistre 

Ki  fameillent  devant  ten  huis.  .  .  . 

Tu  rendras  raison  au  grant  maistre 

Ki  le  part  as  povres  destruis.  .  .  . 

Nuit  et  jour  doit  cascuns  penser 
Des  biens  k'il  a  bien  despenser, 
Ke  il  en  sache  rendre  conte. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  33 

Par  mi  le  conte  estuet  passer; 
Et  ki  porra  vers  Dieu  tenser 
Chelui  cui  prendra  a  mesconte? 
N'espargnera  ne  roi  ne  conte; 
Mais  li  plus  haus  avra  plus  honte, 
S'il  ne  set  sen  conte  assenser.  .  .  . 

Chou  est  raisons  aperte  et  nue: 
II  n'est  pas  drois  ke  je  desnue 
Un  home  por  autrui  vestir. 
Quant  de  le  rien  ke  j  'ai  tolue 
Au  laborier,  ki  le  dessue, 
Dont  je  li  fais  le  fain  sentir, 
Vuel  au  povre  le  ventre  emplir, 
Chou  est  a  dire,  sans  mentir, 
(Oi6s  com  est  parole  crue!) 
"Dieus,  vous  dev6s  bien  assentir 
A  me  ravine  et  consentir, 
Car  vostres  povres  le  manjue."  .  .  . 

Orguellous,  tien  un  peu  ten  frain, 
Se  tu  daignes,  et  si  refrain 
Ten  vair  keval,  ki  se  desroie. 
Garde  cui  tu  as  en  desdain! 
Frans  hom,  ki  m'apeles  vilain, 
Ja  de  chest  mot  ne  me  plaindroie 
Se  plus  franc  de  moi  te  savoie. 
Ki  fu  te  mere,  et  ki  le  moie? 
Andoi  furent  filles  Evain. 
Or  ne  di  mais  ke  vilains  soie. 
Plus  que  toi,  car  jou  te  diroie, 
Tel  mot  ou  trop  a  de  levain. 

Onkes  ne  me  soit  reproves 
Mes  pere;  car  voirs  est  proves, 
Mieus  me  vient  estre  bon  pastour 
Ke  estre  en  haut  panier  cov6s 
Et  de  bones  mours  escov6s, 
Se  je  fui  n6s  en  un  destour 
Et  de  me  mere  get6s  pour 


34        THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST  IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

En  un  molin  ou  en  un  four, 
Mieus  vuel  ensi  troves, 
Se  jou  a  bien  faire  m'atour, 
Ke  je  fusse  fius  d'un  contour 
Et  de  mauvaistie"  endov6s. 

Orguellous,  tu  as  mout  bon  Mai. 
Tu  me  despis,  mais  peu  m'esmai, 
Et  mout  m'est  peu  de  ten  dangier. 
Se  tu  ses  plus  ke  jou  ne  sai 
Et  tu  as  plus  jou  nen  ai 
De  quanke  li  mondes  a  kier, 
Ne  te  savras  tant  avanchier 
Ne  reviegnes  a  men  sentier. 
Ausi  morras  com  jou  morrai; 
Mors,  ki  tout  tout  sans  recovrier, 
Te  cangera  Mai  en  Fevrier; 
Mors  muera  te  joie  en  wai. 

(Miserere,  st.  45,  51,  54,  55,  66,  80,  81,  90) 26 

M  O  rich  man,  how  poor  your  end!  in  evil  hour  you  beheld  the  silver 
and  the  fine  gold  and  the  riches  of  which  you  clutched  so  much.  .  .  . 
God  exacts  vengeance  now  for  the  good  wine  which  you  drank  and 
sipped  wantonly.  For  this  indulgence  you  endure  now  the  fire  of  Hell, 
you  who  stopped  your  ears  against  the  poor  leprous  beggar,  Lazarus,  and 
without  thought  of  him  feasted.  To  the  rich  man  this  parable  that  I 
have  written  is  terrifying,  but  to  the  poor  man  comforting.  At  too 
dear  a  price  he  gains  temporal  wealth,  who  for  it  suffers  eternal  death. 
And  the  poor  man  who  is  despised,  if  he  can  despise  this  despite,  is  king 
of  Heaven,  for  God  so  promises.  O  rich  man,  uncharitable!  Hell  with- 
out respite  await3  you.  And  you,  poor  man,  endure  for  a  little  while! 
a  paradise  of  delight  awaits  you.  Take  counsel,  ill-advised  fool!  do 
you  think  that  God  gives  you  the  fruits  of  the  earth  to  feed  yourself 
alone?  You  have  in  your  granary  many  bushels,  and  the  granary 
of  your  neighbor  is  empty,  and  he  has  nothing  with  which  to  feed  the  six 
or  seven  children  about  his  hearth.  For  those  who  hunger  before  your 
door,  God  produced  this  goodly  fruit.  You  must  render  an  account  to 
the  great  master  for  wasting  on  yourself  the  share  of  the  poor.  Night  and 
day  each  man  should  think  of  spending  well  the  wealth  he  has  so  that  he 
may  be  able  to  render  an  account  of  it.  He  must  give  a  strict  account, 
and  who  will  be  able  to  protect  from  God's  wrath  the  man  whose  account 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  35 

Gautier  de  Coincy  also  in  his  Miracles  de  la  Sainte  Vierge 
describes  in  pathetic  terms  the  miseries  of  the  hard-worked 
laborer,  although  he  alone  among  the  writers  I  am  quoting 
saw  the  cause  not  in  the  oppression  of  the  higher  classes,  but 
in  the  irreligion  of  the  peasants.  Without  regard  to  this  primi- 
tive theory,  his  lines  are  of  value  as  showing  the  spread  of  a 
movement  for  social  justice,  which  could  not  leave  untouched 
even  so  bigoted  and  credulous  a  churchman  as  Gautier. 

Touz  tens  rastelent,  touz  tens  gratent; 
Touz  tens  houent  et  touz  tens  fuent; 
N'assez  du  pain  n'avoir  ne  puent.  .  .  . 
Por  ce  en  yver  et  en  vuaym, 
Et  en  printens  et  en  este" 
Seront  ch6tif  et  ont  6t6  .... 

shall  be  found  wanting?  God  will  spare  neither  king  nor  count,  but  the 
highest  will  have  most  shame,  if  he  cannot  present  a  true  account.  This 
is  a  plain  and  simple  truth:  it  is  not  just  that  I  should  strip  one  man  to 
clothe  another.  When  I  wish  to  fill  the  stomach  of  the  poor  man  with 
the  substance  1  have  taken  from  the  laborer  who  earned  it  by  the  sweat 
of  his  brow  and  who  suffers  hunger  because  of  my  exactions,  I  say  virtually 
(Hear  how  harsh  the  word  sounds!):  "Lord,  thou  shouldst  approve  my 
rapine  and  consent  to  the  act,  for  thy  poor  are  fed  thereby."  Proud  man, 
check  yourself  a  little,  if  you  will  condescend,  and  also  rein  in  your  dappled 
steed  that  prances  disdainfully.  Be  careful  whom  you  despise.  Noble,  you 
who  call  me  low-born,  I  should  never  complain  of  that  term,  if  I  recognized 
that  you  are  nobler  than  I.  Who  was  your  mother  and  who  was  mine? 
Both  were  daughters  of  Eve.  Then  do  not  say  again  that  I  am  lower- 
born  than  you,  else  I  will  answer  you  in  unduly  sharp  words.  Never 
should  the  rank  of  my  father  be  cast  up  to  me  as  a  reproach;  for  it  is  a 
proved  truth  that  it  is  better  for  me  to  be  a  good  shepherd  than  to  be  of 
high  birth  and  not  endowed  with  good  character.  If  I  were  born  in  a 
corner,  and  by  my  mother  cast  away  in  a  mill  or  a  furnace,  and  yet  should 
strive  to  do  well,  this  condition  I  should  prefer  to  being  the  son  of  a  count 
and  possessed  of  an  ill  nature.  Proud  man,  you  enjoy  the  May-time  of 
prosperity.  You  despise  me,  but  I  care  little,  and  have  slight  regard  for 
your  arrogance.  If  you  know  more  than  I  do,  and  if  you  possess  more 
than  I  of  whatever  the  world  holds  dear,  you  can  not  advance  so  far  that 
you  will  not  travel  again  my  road.  You  will  die  just  as  I  shall  die;  Death, 
that  takes  away  everything  without  return,  will  change  your  May  into 
February;  Death  will  change  your  joy  to  woe. 


36       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Por  ce  leur  pain  rungent  et  broustent 
En  grant  sueur,  en  grant  travail; 
Et  por  ce  au  vent  et  au  solau 
Sont  tout  ades  et  a  la  bize. 
Por  c'e  [n]  leur  terre  croist  et  vient 
Tant  d'orties,  tant  de  racines, 
Tant  de  chardons,  et  tant  d'espines. 
(Miracle  du  vilain  qui  savait  a  poine  la  moitie  de  son  Ave  Maria, 

468-493) 27 

Writing  at  the  end  of  the  century,  that  universal  cynic, 
Matheohis,  describes  from  still  another  standpoint  the  hard  lot 
of  the  common  man,  ground  between  two  millstones,  the  no- 
bility and  the  Church.  It  is,  according  to  Matheolus,  the 
Church  that  is  the  more  rapacious.  Yet  the  poet  had  no  liking 
for  the  people  either;  they  were  to  him  a  loutish  set,  as  irre- 
ligious as  the  beasts  of  the  field.  The  testimony,  then,  of  this 
unsympathetic  observer  confirms  the  impression  that  the  thir- 
teenth century  was  waking  to  the  recognition  of  poverty  as 
less  often  a  misfortune  than  a  wrong. 

Des  chevaliers  n'est  rien  notable; 
Presque  tout  y  est  detestable. 
Chascun  doit  valoir  un  millier; 
II  le  valent  bien  au  pillier 
Ou  a  vivre  d'autruy  vitaille; 
Mais  il  n'ont  cure  de  bataille, 
Mesmement  pour  garder  l'Eglise, 
Ne  pour  deffendre  la  franchise 
Et  le  peuple  a  droit  maintenir.  .  .  . 


27  They  are  always  raking  and  digging  the  ground;  always  hoeing  and 
dressing  the  ground;  yet  they  can  not  get  enough  bread  .  .  .  [Because 
of  their  unbelief]  in  winter  and  in  harvest-time,  in  spring  and  in  summer 
they  have  been  and  they  will  be  wretched.  .  .  .  [Because  of  their  un- 
belief] they  gnaw  and  nibble  their  hard  bread  in  dripping  sweat  and  in 
heavy  toil;  and  they  are  ever  in  the  wind  and  the  sun,  and  the  winter 
storm.  [Because  of  their  unbelief]  in  their  land  spring  forth  so  many 
nettles,  so  many  roots,  so  many  thistles,  so  many  thorns. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  37 

Tout  ravissent,  lance  sur  f autre, 

Et  tout  gastent,  et  tout  deveurent.  .  .  . 

(Lamenta,  iv,  447-477) 

Dieux!  pourquoy  le  clergie"  fortunes 

De  tes  biens,  que  pour  eulx  aunes, 

Qu'il  despendent  si  folement? 

De  nous  ne  curent  nullement; 

II  mainent  vie  deshonneste, 

Le  pie"  nous  tiennent  sur  la  teste. 

Par  eulx  nous  laisses  lapider, 

Et  estrangler  et  embrider. 

En  labour  usons  nostre  vie.  .  .  . 

Tu  ne  prises  pas  un  tabour 

Les  paines  de  nostre  labour. 

Tu  obeis  a  leurs  demandes; 

De  bons  vins,  de  bonnes  viandes 

Usent,  et  vestent  les  bons  dras, 

Et  chevauchent  les  chevaulx  gras.  .  .  . 

II  Qe  clergie]  boit  du  peuple  la  sueur; 

Griefment  se  mesfait  et  mesprent.  .  .  . 

Quant  leur  labeur  mangue  et  prent.  .  .  . 

II  sont  trop  pires  que  les  vers;  .  .  . 

Les  vers  manguent  la  charongne,  .  .  . 

Le  clergie  nous  mangust  tous  vis, 

Char  et  sane,  tant  est  allouvis.  .  .  . 

Chault  ne  froit  ne  puet  soustenir, 

N'il  ne  se  pourroit  travaillier 

A  labourer  ne  a  veillier. 

Le  peuple  tout  fait  et  tout  livre, 

Et  si  ne  puet  durer  ne  vivre 

Qu'il  ne  soit  tousjours  tempestes 

Et  par  le  clergie"  molestes.  .  .  . 

De  nul  besoing  ne  nous  sequeurent, 

Mais  nous  et  le  nostre  deveurent.  .  .  . 

Les  prelas  sont  loups  ravissables, 

Que  tu  as  pastours  esleiis 

Sur  nous;  si  sommes  deceiis 

Car  il  gastent  tout  et  destruisent, 


38       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Et  les  plus  mittr£s  plus  nous  nuisent 

Et  font  plus  de  maulx  et  de  troubles.  .  .  . 

Tes  prelas  monstrent  par  leurs  euvres 

Nature  de  beste  sauvage. 

Puis  qu'il  font  a  ton  fouc  dommage. 

(Lamenta,  iii,  599-806) 
Je  loueroye  volentiers 
Les  laboureurs  bons  et  entiers, 
Vivans  de  leur  loial  labour;  .  .  . 
Mais.  .  .  . 

Les  commandemens  Dieu  ne  prisent, 
Et  les  drois  de  l'Eglise  brisent.  .  .  . 
Le  plus  se  vivent  comme  beste, 
Et  en  jour  ouvrier  et  en  feste. 

(Lamenta,  iv,  661-688) 28 

28  There  is  nothing  worth  saying  about  the  nobles;  almost  everything 
about  them  is  contemptible.  Each  knight  boasts  himself  worth  a  thou- 
sand common  men.  They  are  of  that  worth  in  pillaging  or  consuming 
the  living  of  others;  but  they  don't  care  much  for  war  even  to  defend  the 
Church,  nor  for  defending  freedom  and  maintaining  the  people's  rights. 
.  .  .  They  plunder  everything,  lance  in  rest,  and  lay  waste  and  consume 
everything.  Why  dost  thou,  O  Lord,  enrich  the  clergy  with  thy  good 
things  which  thou  lavishest  upon  them  and  which  they  spend  so  foolishly? 
For  us  they  care  nothing;  they  lead  a  dishonest  life;  they  put  their  feet 
upon  our  heads.  Thou  allowest  us  to  be  stoned  by  them  and  strangled 
and  driven  hard.  In  toil  we  wear  out  our  life.  .  .  .  Thou  dost  not  care 
a  rattle  for  the  pains  of  our  labor.  Thou  yieldest  to  all  their  requests; 
they  consume  choice  wines  and  delicate  viands,  and  wear  fine  cloth,  and 
ride  sleek  horses.  .  .  .  The  clergy  drink  the  sweat  of  the  people;  they 
sin  and  misdo  grievously  when  they  seize  and  consume  the  toil  of  the 
people.  .  .  .  They  are  much  worse  than  worms:  worms  eat  the  dead 
body;  the  clergy  would  eat  us  alive,  flesh  and  blood,  so  insatiable  is  their 
hunger.  .  .  .  They  can  endure  neither  cold  nor  heat,  nor  can  they  work 
either  at  manual  labor  or  at  guard  duty.  The  people  do  everything  and 
give  everything,  and  yet  they  can  not  live  without  being  always  annoyed 
and  molested  by  the  clergy.  .  .  .  The  clergy  aid  us  in  no  need,  but  they 
consume  us  and  our  property.  The  prelates  whom  thou  didst  choose  for 
pastors  over  us  are  ravening  wolves;  and  we  are  deceived,  for  they  lay 
waste  and  destroy  everything,  and  the  highest  in  authority  injure  us  the 
most  and  do  us  the  most  harm  and  cause  us  the  most  trouble.  .  .  .  Thy 
prelates  show  in  their  actions  the  nature  of  wild  beasts,  since  they  do 


PROTEST   AGAINST  THE    SOCIAL   ORDER  39 

Upon  the  verse  of  Jean  de  Meung  also  fell  the  grim  shadow 
of  poverty.  His  hunger  is  no  mere  allegorical  figure,  but  drawn 
with  sternly  realistic  strokes.    Richesse  speaks: 

Et  se  savoir  voles  son  estre,  .  .  . 

Fain  demore  en  un  champ  perreus 

Ou  ne  croist  ble\  buisson  ne  broce.  .  .  . 

Fain,  qui  ne  voit  ne  bl6  ne  arbres, 

Les  erbes  en  errache  pures 

As  trenchans  ongles,  as  dens  dures; 

Mes  moult  les  trueve  cleres  nees 

Por  les  pierres  espes  semees; 

Et  se  la  voloie  descrivre, 

Tost  en  porroie  estre  d61ivre. 

Longe  est  et  megre  et  lasse  et  vaine, 

Grant  soffrete  a  de  pain  d'avaine; 

Les  cheveus  a  tous  h6rici6s, 

Les  iex  cru6s,  en  parfont  glide's, 

Vis  pale  et  balievres  s6chi6s 

Joes  de  rooille  entechi6s. 

Par  sa  pel  dure  qui  vorroit, 

Ses  entrailles  v6oir  porroit, 

Les  os  par  les  illiers  li  saillent, 

Ou  trestoutes  humours  de7aillent; 

N'el  n'a,  ce  semble,  point  de  ventre 

Fors  le  leu  qui  si  parfont  entre, 

Que  tout  le  pis  a  la  meschine 

Pent  a  la  cloie  de  Teschine. 

Ses  dois  li  a  creus  maigresce, 

Des  genous  li  pert  la  rondesce; 

Talons  a  haus,  agus,  parens, 

Ne  pert  qu'el  ait  point  de  char  ens. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  10898) 29 

harm  to  thy  flock.  ...  I  would  praise  gladly  the  good  and  upright  labor- 
ers, living  by  their  honest  toil;  .  .  .  but  .  .  .  they  do  not  prize  the  com- 
mands of  God,  and  they  transgress  the  rights  of  the  Church.  .  .  .  Most  of 
them  live  like  beasts  both  on  working  days  and  holidays. 

29  And  if  you  wish  to  know  her  dwelling-place,  Hunger  abides  in  a  stony 
field  where  grows  no  grain,  no  bush,  no  brushwood.     Hunger,  who  sees 


40       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

The  higher  classes,  like  rapacious  wolves,  devour  the  scanty 
holdings  of  the  poor: 

Baillif,  preVoz,  bediaus,  maiour, 
Tuit  vivent  presque  de  rapine, 
Li  menus  pueples  les  encline, 
Et  cil  comme  leus  les  deveurent. 
Trestuit  sor  les  povres  gens  queurent, 
N'est  nus  qui  despoillier  n'es  vueille. 
Tuit  s'afublent  de  lor  despueille, 
Trestuit  de  lor  sustances  hument, 
Sans  eschauder  tous  viz  les  plument. 
Li  plus  fors  le  plus  fi^ble  robe. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  12465) 30 

In  his  analysis  of  the  causes  of  poverty,  Jean  de  Meung  is 
not  in  advance  of  his  age.  Extravagant  living  is  one  cause. 
Other  causes  are  summed  up  in  that  vague  word,  "Fortune," 
which  saved  the  medieval  thinker  so  much  hard  reasoning. 
But  keen  observation  had  taught  Jean  de  Meung  the  conclu- 
sion of  modern  criminologists,  that  poverty  is  more  often  the 

no  grain  or  trees,  snatches  up  the  weeds  raw  with  her  sharp  nails  and  hard 
teeth;  she  finds  them  growing  sparsely  because  of  the  thick-sown  rocks. 
And  if  I  should  try  to  describe  her,  I  could  do  it  very  easily.  She  is  tall 
and  thin  and  feeble  and  wasted;  she  has  great  need  of  barley-bread;  her 
hair  is  unkempt,  her  eyes  deeply  sunken,  her  face  pale,  her  lips  dry,  her 
cheeks  spotted  as  with  mildew.  Through  her  dry  skin  one  who  wished 
could  see  her  entrails;  her  bones  project  through  her  sides,  dry  from  lack 
of  the  natural  humors  of  the  body.  Nor  has  she  apparently  any  stomach 
except  a  hole  which  enters  so  deeply  that  the  wretched  creature's  breast 
clings  to  the  back  of  her  spine.  Leanness  has  worn  away  her  fingers;  the 
knee-cap  of  her  knees  appears;  her  heel-bones  are  high,  sharp,  prominent. 
It  does  not  seem  as  if  she  had  an  ounce  of  flesh  on  her  body. 

so  Bailiffs,  provosts,  beadles,  mayors,  all  live  chiefly  by  plunder.  The 
humble  folk  bow  before  them,  and  the  officials  devour  them  like  wolves. 
All  rush  upon  the  poor;  there  is  no  one  who  does  not  try  to  rob  them. 
Those  in  power  wrap  themselves  up  in  what  they  strip  from  the  poor; 
they  drink  up  their  substance;  without  scalding  them,  they  pluck  them 
alive.     The  stronger  robs  the  weaker. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  41 

cause  than  the  result  of  crime.    These  are  the  passages  bearing 
on  the  subject: 

Neporquant  autresinc  grant  perte 
Recoit  l'ame  en  trop  grant  poverte 
Cum  el  fait  en  trop  grant  richesce; 
L'une  et  l'autre  igaument  la  blesce.  .  .  . 
Cil  que  mendicity  guerroie, 
De  p^chie'  comment  le  guerroie? 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  12192-12211) 

Et  Povrete  fait  pis  que  Mort: 

Car  ame  et  cors  tormente  et  mort,  .  .  . 

Et  lor  ajoute  a  dampnement 

Larrecin  et  parjurement, 

Avec  toutes  autres  durt6s 

Dont  chascuns  est  gri^ment  hurt^s. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  8905) 31 

Richesse  says: 

Puis  [Fain]  prent  Larrecin  par  l'oreille. 
Quant  le  voit  dormir,  es  l'esveille,  .  .  . 
Si  le  conseille  et  endoctrine 
Comment  il  les  doit  procurer 
Combien  qu'il  lor  doie  durer. 
Et  Cuers-Faillis  a,  li  s'accorde, 
Qui  songe  toute  jor  la  corde 
Qui  li  fait  heVicier  et  tendre 
Tout  le  poil,  qu'el  ne  voie  pendre 
Larrecin,  son  filz,  le  tremblant, 
Si  Ten  le  puet  trover  emblant. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  10969) 


31  Nevertheless  the  soul  receives  just  as  much  harm  from  too  great 
poverty  as  it  does  from  too  great  riches;  each  injures  the  soul  equally. 
.  .  .  How  can  one  who  must  fight  with  poverty  guard  himself  from  sin? 
Poverty  does  worse  than  Death;  for  it  torments  and  kills  soul  and  body, 
.  .  .  and  it  adds  to  their  perdition  theft  and  perjury,  with  all  other  hard- 
ships by  which  the  victim  is  grievously  injured. 


42       THE   SPIRIT    OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Povretes,  qui  point  de  sens  n'a, 
Larrecin,  son  filz,  amena, 
Qui  s'en  vet  au  gibet  le  cors 
Por  faire  a  sa  mere  secors. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  10289) 32 

Jean  de  Meung  was  the  more  inclined  to  regard  the  thief 
with  leniency  from  his  communistic  doctrine  of  property  ten- 
ure. In  a  passage  already  cited  (p.  17),  it  will  be  remembered 
that  the  office  of  king  originated,  according  to  the  Romance 
of  the  Rose,  as  a  makeshift,  and  that  the  first  recipient  of  the 
honor  was  far  from  being  a  vicar  of  God  on  earth.  Jean  de 
Meung  accords  the  economic  theory  of  private  property  as 
little  respect.  In  the  good  days  of  old,  he  maintains,  personal 
possessions  were  unknown;  as  soon,  however,  as  men  adopted 
a  social  organization,  the  strength  of  the  newly-formed  gov- 
ernment was  perverted  to  the  protection  of  private  property. 
The  old  feeling  of  brotherhood  vanished.  Covetousness  and 
fraud  pervaded  men's  relations  with  one  another.  Officers  of 
justice,  although  appointed  to  defend  the  humble,  soon  found 
that  their  profit  lay  in  an  alliance  with  the  great.  In  despera- 
tion men  assented  to  the  tyranny  of  one  as  a  relief  from  the 
rapacity  of  all.  (We  cannot,  I  think,  object  that  this  theory  of 
Jean  de  Meung  is  a  mere  reflection  of  classic  mythology  with 
its  Age  of  Gold,  for,  Latinist  as  Jean  de  Meung  was,  he  was 
also  a  shrewd  observer  of  his  own  times.  He  was  much  more 
likely  to  cover  a  teaching  of  his  own  with  the  mantle  of  classic 
tradition  than  to  repeat  an  old  fancy  at  variance  with  his  own 
belief.) 

32  Then  [Hunger]  takes  Theft  by  the  ear,  when  she  sees  him  sleeping 
and  wakes  him,  .  .  .  and  counsels  him  and  teaches  him  how  he  is  to 
procure  food  for  them  [?]  however  long  it  may  take.  And  Faint-Heart 
[the  father]  gives  consent  though  he  dreams  all  day  of  the  halter  so  that 
every  hair  stands  on  end  with  fear  lest  he  see  Theft  hanged,  Theft,  his 
timid  son,  if  he  is  caught  stealing. 

Poverty,  who  has  no  sense,  brought  Theft,  her  son,  who  speeds  to  the 
gibbet  to  obtain  aid  for  his  mother. 


PROTEST   AGAINST  THE   SOCIAL   ORDER  43 

De  fer  dur  forgierent  lor  armes, 
Coutiaus,  espies  et  guisarmes, 
Et  glaives  et  cotes  maillees, 
Por  faire  a  lor  voisins  meslees. 
Lors  firent  tors  et  roill&s. 
Et  miirs  a  creniaus  taill&s; 
Chastiaus  fermerent  et  cites, 
Et  firent  grans  palais  listes 
Cil  qui  les  tresors  assemblerent, 
Car  tuit  de  grant  paor  tremblerent 
Por  les  riches  ces  assemblies, 
Qu'eles  ne  lor  fussent  emblees, 
Ou  par  quelque  forfait  tolues. 
Bien  furent  lor  dolor  creues 
As  chetis  de  mauvais  eur, 
Cone  puis  ne  furent  asseur, 
Que  ce  qui  commun  ert  devant, 
Comme  le  soleil  et  le  vent, 
Par  convoitise  approprierent, 
Quant  as  richesces  se  lierent. 
Or  en  a  bien  un  plus  que  vingt: 
One  ce  de  bon  cuer  ne  lor  vint. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  10392)  » 

Governmental  institutions  are  throughout  the  book  treated 
as  the  product  of  the  evil  side  of  man's  nature,  of  his  "malice," 

33  They  made  their  arms  of  hard  iron,  knives,  swords,  axes,  broad- 
swords and  coats  of  mail,  to  fight  with  their  neighbors.  They  constructed 
towers  and  barricades  and  walls  of  crenelated  stone;  they  strengthened 
their  castles  and  cities,  and  they  built  great  and  splendid  palaces.  Those 
who  had  collected  their  treasures  [took  these  precautions],  because  they 
all  trembled  with  great  fear  for  the  riches  they  had  accumulated  lest  they 
should  be  stolen  from  them  or  carried  off  through  some  outrage.  The 
cares  of  those  wretched  men  were  greatly  increased  so  that  they  were  never 
secure,  for  what  had  been  common  property,  such  as  the  air  and  sunshine, 
they  appropriated  through  covetousness,  when  they  fastened  upon  riches. 
Now  one  man  possesses  more  than  twenty.  This  was  never  granted  to 
them  willingly. 


44       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Qui  fu  mere  des  seignories, 
Dont  les  franchises  sont  penes, 
Car  se  ne  fust  maus  et  pechies 
Dont  li  mondes  est  entechies, 
L'en  n'eust  onques  roi  veu 
Ne  juge  en  terre  congn6u. 
Si  se  pruevent  il  malement, 
Qu'il  deussent  premierement 
Trestout  avant  eus  justicier, 
Puis  qu'en  se  doit  en  eus  fier.  .  .  . 
Mes  or  vendent  les  jugemens 
Et  bestornent  les  erremens, 
Et  taillent  et  cuellent  et  saient, 
Et  les  povres  gens  trestout  paient. 
Tuit  s'esforcent  de  l'autrui  prendre 
Tex  juges  fait  le  larron  pendre, 
Qui  miex  deust  estre  pendus., 
Se  jugemens  li  fust  rendus 
Des  rapines  et  des  tors  fais, 
Qu'il  a  par  son  pooir  forfais. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  6300)  34 

The  gentler  admonitions  of  the  Hermit  are  also  based  upon 
an  obliteration  of  social  distinctions: 

Tu  ki  des  lois  tiens  le  droiture, 
Quant  avient  si  gries  aventure 
Ki  damner  t'estuet  par  besoigne 


M  Evil  was  the  mother  of  governments  through  which  our  freedom  has 
perished,  for  were  it  not  for  the  evil  and  the  sin  with  which  the  world  is 
stained,  no  such  thing  as  a  king  or  a  judge  would  ever  have  been  seen  or 
known  on  earth.  And  they  conduct  themselves  ill,  for  they  ought  first 
of  all  to  make  their  own  lives  just,  since  we  ought  to  have  confidence  in 
them.  .  .  .  But  now  they  sell  judgments  and  pervert  customs;  they  lay 
fines,  and  cut  down  and  seize  crops,  and  the  poor  always  pay  the  cost. 
They  all  try  to  get  the  goods  of  others.  Many  a  judge  sentences  the 
thief  to  be  hanged,  who  ought  to  be  hanged  himself,  if  judgment  were 
executed  upon  him  for  the  thefts  and  evil  deeds,  committed  through  abuse 
of  his  power. 


PROTEST  AGAINST   THE    SOCIAL    ORDER  45 

Un  home  por  se  forfaiture 

Et  destruire  le  Dili  faiture, 

Soies  discr6s  en  tel  essoigne 

Et  tant  orible  fait  resoigne. 

Ke  piet6s  au  cuer  te  poigne! 

El  caitif  conois  te  nature 

Ke  tu  fais  morir  a  vergoigne.  .  .  . 

Aies  le  cuer  et  dur  et  tendre; 
Toi  le  convient  amer  et  pendre; 
Amer  por  chou  k'il  est  tes  frere, 
Pendre  por  chou  ke  il  est  lere.  .  .  . 

Juges,  quant  tu  vois  en  le  toie 
Court  le  povre  ki  se  tristoie, 
Di:  "  Jou  voi  la  un  Diu  eslit." 
S'on  li  fait  tort,  si  le  droitoie; 
Car  si  fait  home  Dius  saintoie 
Cui  tu  vois  el  sac  sepelit, 
Ki  a  et  pou  pain  et  dur  lit, 
Ki  n'a  solas  ne  n'a  delit, 
Chiaus  cui  li  mondes  ne  festoie, 
Cuides  tu  ke  Dius  les  oublit 
Et  k'envers  aus  ne  s'amolit? 
Dius  au  povre  se  feste  estoie. 

(Romans  de  Carite,  St.  47  ff .) 35 

36  You  who  judge  transgressions  of  the  law,  when  you  face  the  hard 
necessity  of  condemning  a  man  for  his  crime  and  of  destroying  the  handi- 
work of  God,  be  scrupulous  in  such  a  case  and  consider  carefully  your 
horrible  duty.  Let  pity  prick  your  heart!  Recognize  your  very  nature 
in  the  wretch  whom  you  send  to  shameful  death.  Let  your  heart  be  at 
once  stern  and  pitiful;  it  is  necessary  for  you  both  to  love  [the  criminal] 
and  to  cause  him  to  be  hanged:  to  love  him  because  he  is  your  brother, 
to  cause  him  to  be  hanged  because  he  is  a  thief.  O  Judge,  when  you  see 
in  your  court  the  poor  man  whose  life  is  sad,  say:  "I  see  there  one  chosen 
of  God."  If  anyone  does  him  wrong,  grant  him  justice.  For  just  such 
a  man  God  receives  among  his  saints  as  you  see  buried  in  sacking,  a  man 
who  has  little  bread  and  a  hard  bed,  who  has  no  pleasure  or  delight.  Think 
you  that  God  forgets  those  for  whom  the  world  offers  no  feasts,  that  God's 
heart  is  not  tender  towards  them?     God  keeps  his  feast  for  the  poor. 


46       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

In  their  speculative  sociology,  at  least,  these  medieval  moral- 
ists had  utterly  rejected  the  class  distinctions  of  their  day. 
Each  author  delights  in  unfolding  to  the  point  of  prolixity  his 
conception  of  "true  nobility."  They  agree  fundamentally: 
nobility  is  a  matter  of  character,  not  an  accident  of  birth. 

Philippe  de  Novare,  an  important  personage  of  his  time, 
writing  about  1265,  has  quite  discarded  the  old  idea  of  caste: 

A  droit  sont  franches  genz  amiables  tuit  cil  qui  ont  franc 
cuer  .  .  .  et  cil  qui  a  franc  cuer,  de  quelque  part  il  soit  venuz, 
il  doit  estre  apelez  frans  et  gentis;  car  se  il  est  de  bas  leu  et 
de  mauveis  et  il  est  bons,  de  tant  doit  il  estre  plus  honores.  .  .  . 

Et  vilain  sont  cil  qui  vilainnement  se  contiennent,  et  en  dit 
et  en  fet  ne  ne  vuelent  riens  faire  que  a  force  e  par  paor; 
tuit  cil  qui  ce  font,  sont  droit  vilain,  ausis  bien  comme  s'il 
fussent  serf  ou  gaeigneur  as  riches  homes;  ne  ja  se  il  sont 
astraiz  de  nobles  homes  et  de  vaillanz,  por  tant  ne  doivent 
il  estre  apele  gentil  ne  franc,  car  gentillesce  ne  valour  d'ances- 
tre  ne  fet  que  nuire  as  mauveis  hoirs  honir;  et  mains  en  fust 
de  honte,  quant  il  sont  mauveis,  se  il  fussent  astrait  de 
vilains. 

{Quatre  tenz  d'aage  d'ome,  H  212,  214)  36 

It  is  natural  to  find  disparagement  of  rank  frequent  in  the 
writings  of  the  clerics,  since  many  of  their  number  owed  their 
influence  not  to  their  birth,  but  to  their  talents.*  Philippe 
observes: 

36  Truly  the  persons  of  good  birth  and  lovable  are  those  who  have  a 
good  heart,  and  he  who  has  a  good  heart,  no  matter  from  what  class  he 
has  come,  ought  to  be  considered  of  good  birth  and  noble;  for  if  he  is  of 
humble  and  base  family,  and  yet  is  good,  he  ought  to  be  so  much  the 
more  honored.  And  churls  are  those  who  act  churlishly,  who  in  word 
and  deed  will  do  nothing  except  on  compulsion  and  from  fear;  all  who 
act  thus  are  truly  churls,  just  as  much  as  if  they  were  serfs  or  laborers 
for  the  rich  man;  nor  even  if  they  are  descended  from  noble  and  valiant 
men,  for  that  reason  are  they  to  be  called  noble  or  of  good  birth,  for  neither 
nobility  nor  ancestral  valor  can  do  aught  but  redound  to  the  shame  of 
d< •in:nerate  heirs;  and  the  shame  would  be  less,  when  men  are  base,  if 
they  were  descended  from  churls. 


PROTEST  AGAINST   THE    SOCIAL   ORDER  47 

Par  clergie  est  avenu  sovant .  .  .  que  li  filz  d'un  povre  home 
devient  uns  granz  prelaz;  et  par  ce  est  riches  et  honorez  et 
peres  et  sires  de  celui  qui  fu  sires  de  lui  et  des  siens;  et  mes- 
troie  et  governe  touz  caus  dou  pals  et  puet  apostoles  devenir, 
et  estre  peres  et  sires  de  toute  crestiente. 

(Quatre  tenz  d'aage  d'ome,  ^  15) 37 

The  Mireour  du  monde  is  insistent  in  its  declaration  of  the 
essential  equality  of  all  men,  resting  its  teaching  on  the  Scrip- 
tural account  of  Creation  and  the  Christian  doctrine  of  the 
brotherhood  of  man. 

Un  grant  segneur  ne  doit  mie  despire  son  garchon;  quer 
tel  garde  de  ton  cheval  qui  vaut  miex  a  droit  prisier  que  toi. 
Se  tu  es  chevalier,  pour  ce  ne  dois  tu  mie  despire  celi  qui  son 
pain  gaaigne  a  son  houe;  ains  dois  penser  que  il  a  melleur  du 
gieu  parti. 

Se  tu  es  une  grant  dame  vestue  de  soie  ou  d'autres  dras 
riches,  tu  ne  dois  mie  despire  ta  poure  voisine.  Quer  quant 
nous  vendrons  a  la  grante  feste  ou  nous  alons  plus  que  le 
trot  on  ne  fera  mie  feste  de  sa  sarpiliere,  mais  de  ca  qui  est 
dedens.  Pour  ce  dont,  ne  doi-je  nuli  despire.  Quer  chascun 
est  mon  frere  germain,  nenne  sans  plus  d'Eve  et  d'Adam,  ains 
est  fils  Dieu  le  mien  Pere.  Et  est  aussi  bien  fils  de  Sainte 
Eglyse,  ma  mere,  comme  je  suy.  .  .  . 

La  vraie  noblesse  vient  du  cuer  gentil.  .  .  .  Nul  n'est  adroit 
gentil  de  la  gentilesse  du  cors;  quer,  quant  au  cors,  tous 
somes  fis  d'une  mere:  c'est  de  terre  et  de  boe  dont  nous 
prismes  tous  char  et  sane.  De  ce(s)  cost6  nul  n'est  adroit  gen- 
til ne  franc.  Mais  notre  droit  pere  est  le  roy  du  ciel  qui  fourma 
le  cors  de  terre,  et  cria  Fame  a  sa  semblance  et  a  son  ymage. 
...  He  Dieu !  comme  sont  loins  de  cele  hautesce  ceus  qui  se 
font  si  nobles  de  ceste  poure  hautesce  qu'il  ont  de  leur  mere 
la  terre  (qui  porte  et  nourrist  les  pourciaus  aussi  bien  comme 

37  Through  learning  it  has  often  happened  .  .  .  that  the  son  of  a  poor 
man  becomes  a  great  prelate;  and  in  this  way  he  is  rich  and  honored, 
and  father  and  lord  of  him  who  was  lord  of  him  and  his;  and  he  [the  poor 
priest]  rules  and  governs  all  those  of  the  country  and  may  become  pope 
and  be  father  and  lord  of  all  Christendom. 


48       THE    SPIRIT  OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

elle  fait  des  roys)  et  se  vantent  de  leur  gentillesse  pour  ce 
que  il  cuident  estre  de  gentil  lignie. 

(Mireour  du  monde,  pp.  59,  60,  230,  231) 38 

In  the  reigns  of  Philip  IV  and  his  three  sons  democratic 
ideas  made  great  advance,  partly  because  it  was  the  royal 
policy  to  build  up  the  strength  of  the  people  as  a  counterpoise 
to  the  feudal  nobility  and  to  the  Papacy,  insistent  upon 
temporal  power.  It  was  unhappily  only  a  false  dawn  of  politi- 
cal liberty,  yet  it  lights  up  much  of  the  literature.  It  became 
worth  while  to  write  for  the  common  man.  Langlois  mentions 
"among  a  great  many  others"  these  colleges  "founded  for  the 
sons  of  artisans": 

Le  College  du  Cardinal  le  Moine,  1302, 
Le  College  de  Navarre,  1302, 
Le  College  de  Bayeux,  1308, 
Le  College  de  Presles,  1314, 
Le  College  de  Montaigne,  1317. 

38  A  great  lord  ought  not  at  all  to  despise  his  servant,  for  many  a  one 
takes  care  of  your  horse,  who  in  a  just  estimation  is  worth  more  than  you. 
If  you  are  a  knight,  that  is  no  reason  for  despising  the  man  who  earns 
his  bread  by  the  hoe;  rather  you  ought  to  think  that  he  comes  off  better 
in  the  comparison. 

If  you  are  a  fine  lady  dressed  in  silk  or  other  rich  cloth,  you  ought 
not  at  all  to  despise  your  poor  neighbor.  For  when  we  shall  come  to  the 
great  feast  to  which  we  are  hastening,  no  account  will  be  taken  of  the 
outer  garment,  but  only  of  the  heart  underneath.  Therefore,  I  must  not 
despise  any  one.  For  every  mortal  is  my  own  brother,  a  descendant  of 
Adam  and  Eve;  moreover,  he  is  the  son  of  God,  my  father.  And  truly 
he  is  also  the  son  of  Holy  Church,  my  mother,  as  I  am.  .  .  . 

True  nobility  comes  from  the  gentle  heart.  .  .  .  No  one  is  truly  noble 
through  nobility  of  body;  since,  as  to  the  body,  we  are  all  sons  of  one 
mother:  I  mean  the  earth  and  mud  from  which  we  all  took  flesh  and 
blood.     In  this  respect  no  one  is  gentle  or  of  good  birth. 

But  our  true  father  is  the  king  of  Heaven,  who  formed  the  body  from 
earth  and  created  the  soul  in  his  semblance  and  image.  Alas,  my  God! 
how  far  from  such  nobility  are  those  who  think  themselves  so  grand  be- 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  49 

As  further  proof  of  a  deliberate  attempt  to  elevate  the 
people  by  instruction,  he  adduces  the  great  number  of  ency- 
clopedias which  appear  at  this  time. 

Jean  de  Meung,  foreshadowing  his  own  translation  of  Boe- 
thius,  sets  down  as  the  purpose  of  such  a  work  the  benefit  to 
be  derived  by  the  people  from  this  high  philosophy.* 

.  .  .  Granz  biens  as  gens  laiz  feroit 
Qui  bien  le  lor  translateroit. 39 

His  biting  wit  Jean  de  Meung  applies  to  the  pretensions  of 
the  nobility  to  superiority  in  aught  save  gifts  of  fortune.  There 
is,  indeed,  no  theme  upon  which  he  writes  more  feelingly.  He 
interrupts  his  discourse  on  comets  to  expatiate  for  the  space  of 
nearly  three  hundred  lines  on  the  essence  of  true  nobility.  He 
reiterates  that  this  essential  quality  consists,  not  in  ancient 
lineage,  but  in  personal  worth.  The  democrat  speaks  in  every 
line.  He  maintains,  as  might  be  guessed,  that  the  scholar  is 
far  more  likely  to  possess  true  nobility  than  the  man  of  long 
descent. 

Et  se  nus  contredire  m'ose 

Qui  de  gentillece  s'alose, 

Et  die  que  li  gentil  home, 

Si  cum  li  pueples  les  renome, 

Sunt  de  meillor  condicion, 

Par  noblece  de  nacion, 

Que  cil  qui  les  terres  cultivent 

Ou  qui  de  lor  labor  se  vivent, 

Ge  respons  que  nus  n'est  gentis, 

S'il  n'est  as  vertus  ententis,  — 

Ne  n'est  vilains,  fors  par  ses  vices.  .  .  . 

Noblece  vient  de  bon  corage; 

Car  gentillece  de  lignage 

cause  of  this  poor  nobility  which  they  have  from  their  mother  the  earth 
(that  bears  and  nourishes  the  swine  just  as  she  does  kings)  and  who  boast 
of  their  nobility  because  they  esteem  themselves  of  gentle  lineage. 

39  He  would  do  a  great  service  to  the  common  people,  who  would  trans- 
late it  correctly  for  them. 


50       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST  IN   OLD    FRENCH    LITERATURE 

N'est  pas  gentillece  qui  vaille, 

Por  quoi  bonte*  de  cuer  i  faille.  .  .  . 

Si  r'ont  clerc  plus  grand  avantage 

D'estre  gentiz,  cortois  et  sage,  .  .  . 

Que  n'ont  li  princes  ni  li  roi 

Qui  ne  sevent  de  letr^ure  .  .  . 

Qu'il  en  ont  trop  plus  d'avantages 

Que  cil  qui  cort  as  cers  ramages.  .  .  . 

Par  plusors  le  vous  proveroie, 

Qui  furent  n6s  de  bas  lignages, 

Et  plus  orent  nobles  corages 

Que  maint  fil  de  rois  ne  de  contes,  .  .  . 

Et  por  gentil  furent  tenu.  .  .  . 

Et  cil  qui  d'autrui  gentillece, 

Sens  sa  valor  et  sens  proece, 

En  vuet  porter  los  et  renon, 

Est-il  gentil?  ge  dis  que  non. 

Ains  doit  estre  vilains  clamps, 

Et  vilz  tenus,  et  mains  am6s 

Que  s'il  estoit  filz  d'un  truant. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  19540-19694) 40 

It  is  not,  Jean  de  Meung  protests,  ancestry  and  the  oppor- 
tunity for  idle  pleasures  that  constitute  gentility,  whatever 
the  age  may  think. 

40  And  if  any  one  should  venture  to  dispute  my  opinion  by  praising 
nobility  and  saying  that  the  nobility,  as  the  people  name  them,  are  nobler 
in  character  because  of  their  high  birth,  than  those  who  till  the  fields  or 
gain  their  living  from  the  toil,  I  reply  that  no  one  is  noble  unless  he  prac- 
tices virtue,  and  no  one  is  a  churl  except  through  his  vices.  Nobility 
proceeds  from  goodness  of  heart;  for  nobility  of  lineage  is  not  the  nobility 
that  counts,  if  goodness  of  heart  is  lacking.  .  .  .  And  again  clerics  find  it 
far  easier  to  be  noble,  courteous  and  wise,  .  .  .  than  do  princes  and  kings 
who  know  not  letters,  .  .  .  and  they  find  it  easier  than  he  who  hunts 
branching  stags.  ...  I  could  point  out  to  you  many  cases  of  men  who 
were  born  of  lowly  family,  and  had  nobler  hearts  than  many  a  son  of 
king  or  count,  and  who  were  regarded  as  noble.  .  .  .  And  he  who  claims 
praise  and  renown  because  of  the  nobility  of  others  without  valor  or  worth 
of  his  own;  is  he  noble?  I  say,  "No."  He  ought  rather  to  be  called 
churl,  and  considered  base  and  less  loved  than  if  he  were  son  of  a  vagrant. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE   SOCIAL   ORDER  51 

Si  dient  qu'il  sunt  gentil  homme, 
Por  ce  que  Ten  les  i  renomme, 
Et  que  lor  bons  parens  le  furent, 
Qui  furent  tex  cum  estre  durent; 
Et  qu'il  ont  et  chiens  et  oisiaus 
Por  sembler  gentiz  damoisiaus, 
Et  qu'il  vont  chagant  par  rivieres, 
Par  bois,  par  champs  et  par  bruieres, 
Et  qu'il  se  vont  oiseus  esbatre. 
Mes  il  sunt  mauvais,  vilain  nastre 
Et  d'autrui  noblece  se  vantent; 
II  ne  dient  pas  voir,  ains  mentent, 
Et  le  non  de  gentillece  emblent, 
Quant  lor  bons  parens  ne  resemblent: 
Car  quant  g'es  fais  semblables  nestre, 
II  vuelent  donques  gentil  estre 
D'autre  noblece  que  de  cele 
Que  ge  lor  doing,  qui  moult  est  bele, 
Qui  a  nom  Naturel  Franchise, 
Que  j'ai  sor  tous  egaument  mise, 
Avec  raison  que  Diex  lor  done, 
Qui  les  fait,  tant  est  sage  et  bone, 
Semblables  a  Dieu  et  as  anges. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  19788-19809) 41 

In  the  preceding  quotations,  various  explanations  of  the  social 
inequality  among  men  will  have  been  noted,  and  the  corres- 

41  And  they  say  that  they  are  noble  men  because  they  are  so  called, 
and  because  their  good  parents  were  such  (if  indeed  they  were  what  they 
should  have  been),  and  because  they  have  both  dogs  and  birds  to  seem 
high-born  gentlemen,  and  because  they  go  hunting  along  the  rivers,  through 
woods  and  fields  and  heaths,  and  because  they  pass  their  time  in  idle 
amusements.  But  they  are  base,  contemptible  serfs,  and  they  claim  the 
nobility  of  others;  they  do  not  speak  the  truth,  they  deceive,  and  steal 
the  name  of  gentility,  when  they  do  not  resemble  their  good  parents; 
for  though  I  [Nature]  make  [all]  born  equal  these  aspire  to  be  noble  by 
another  kind  of  nobility  than  I  give  them.  The  nobility  that  I  bestow 
is  very  beautiful,  and  is  called  Native  Gentility,  and  I  have  given  it  to  all 
equally,  together  with  reason  that  God  gives  to  them,  and  which  makes 
them,  so  wise  and  good  is  it,  similar  to  God  and  the  angels. 


52       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

ponding  variety  of  remedies  for  the  injustice  of  such  conditions. 
Jean  de  Meung,  the  most  philosophical  of  the  poets,  developed 
Ovid's  account  of  the  Four  Ages  into  an  early  form  of  the  social 
contract.  The  Hermit,  of  a  more  religious  temper,  held  that 
present  evils  are  due  to  the  absence  of  love  from  the  world. 
The  forms  of  government  might  have  seemed  to  him  of  little 
worth,  provided  the  hearts  of  men  were  possessed  by  Charity. 
In  other  words,  he  would  change  the  individual;  Jean  de 
Meung,  society.  Other  moralists,  probably  the  greater  num- 
ber, thought  to  reform  their  world  by  holding  ever  before  the 
minds  of  men  their  humble  end,  when  the  day  of  this  life  has 
passed. 

Of  what  avail,  Etienne  de  Fougeres  asks,  is  the  conscienceless 
struggle  for  wide  domain? 

Las  !  horn  mortal  por  quei  s'enveise? 
A  que  tire  ne  a  quei  teise? 
S'il  n'a  terre,  por  quei  Ten  peise? 
A  son  jor  en  avra  sa  teise. 

(Livre  des  manures,  st.  31)  tt 

The  same  thought  is  expressed  thus  by  Guillaume  le  Clerc. 
After  describing  in  rather  loathsome  detail  the  havoc  death 
makes  in  the  beauty  and  strength  of  princes,  he  concludes: 

Al  jor  qu'il  [Louis  VIII]  fu  en  terre  mis, 

Out  mil  ribals  en  son  pais 

Greignors  de  lui  e  mult  plus  forz: 

E  al  hore  qu'il  furent  morz, 

Chascun  out  la  fosse  greignor 

Que  la  fosse  au  rei  lur  seignur. 

Vnques  nul  d'els  n'aveit  avant 

Eu  de  terre  plain  son  gant: 

Mes  done  out  chescun  de  tant  plus 

Q'en  greignor  fosse  fu  enclos. 


42  Alas!  for  what  does  mortal  man  strive?  for  what  does  he  aim  and 
for  what  does  he  struggle?  If  he  has  no  land,  why  does  he  disquiet  him- 
self?    At  the  day  of  his  death,  he  will  have  his  measure. 


PROTEST   AGAINST  THE   SOCIAL   ORDER  53 

Done  ne  valut  sa  dignite, 

Sa  force  ne  sa  poeste 

Nient  plus  que  de  son  vilain. 

Ausi  revendra  il  demain 

A  cent  princes  qui  sont  el  monde. 

La  mort  a  sa  pierre  en  sa  fonde 

Tut  aprestee  por  lancier. 

Nus  ne  se  puet  vers  lui  muscier, 

Contre  li  n'a  nule  garite. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  189)  " 

The  idea  of  death  as  a  leveler  is  developed  at  greatest  length 
in  the  Vers  de  la  Mort  of  the  monk  Hedmant,  who  wrote  his 
poem  between  the  years  1194  and  1199. 

Morz,  qui  en  toz  lieus  as  tes  rentes,  .  .  . 

Qui  les  riches  s£s  desnuer, 

Qui  les  levez  en  haut  adentes, 

Qui  les  plus  poissanz  acraventes, 

Qui  les  honeurs  s6s  remuer, 

Qui  les  plus  forz  fais  tressuer 

Et  les  plus  cointes  esluer.  .  .  . 

Morz,  .  .  . 

As  princes  te  vueil  envoier 
Qui  trop  suelent  caus  cuivroier 
Qiu  suefrent  les  froiz  et  les  chauz. 
Morz,  tu  venges  les  bas  des  hauz.  .  .  . 
Tu  trenches  par  mi  a  ta  fauz 
Faucons  et  ostoirs  et  girfauz 
Que  tu  vois  al  ciel  coloier.  .  .  . 

43  On  the  day  when  he  was  laid  in  earth  there  were  a  thousand  poor 
wretches  in  his  country,  taller  and  much  stronger  than  he;  and  after  they 
were  dead,  each  had  a  grave  larger  than  the  grave  of  their  lord.  Never 
did  any  one  of  them  before  own  a  gloveful  of  land,  but  then  each  had 
more  inasmuch  as  he  was  laid  in  a  larger  grave.  Then  the  lord's  rank, 
his  strength  and  his  power  availed  no  more  than  that  of  his  serf.  So  it 
will  happen  tomorrow  to  a  hundred  princes  who  are  now  alive.  Death 
has  his  stone  in  his  sling,  all  ready  to  hurl.  No  one  can  hide  from  Death; 
against  Death  there  is  no  rampart. 


54      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Morz,  Morz,  qui  ja  ne  seras  lasse 
De  muer  haute  chose  en  basse : 
Trop  volentiers  fesisse  aprendre 
Ambesdeus  les  rois,  se  j'osasse, 
Com  tu  trais  raseor  de  chasse 
Por  rere  caus  qui  ont  que  prendre. 
Morz,  qui  les  montez  fais  descendre 
Et  qui  des  cors  as  rois  fais  cendre: 
Tu  as  tramail  et  roiz  et  nasse 
Por  devant  le  haut  homme  tendre, 
Qui  por  sa  poeste*  estendre 
Son  ombre  tressaut  et  trespasse.  .  .  . 

Morz,  tu  abaz  a  un  seul  tor 

Aussi  le  roi  dedenz  sa  tor 

Com  le  povre  dedenz  son  toit.  .  .  . 

Morz  fait  franc  homme  de  cuivert, 
Morz  fait  franc  homme  de  civert, 
Morz  acuivertist  roi  et  pape, 
Morz  rent  chascun  ce  qu'il  desert, 
Morz  rent  al  povre  ce  qu'il  pert, 
Morz  tout  al  riche  quanqu'il  hape.  .  .  . 

Morz  fait  a  chascun  sa  droiture, 
Morz  fait  a  toz  droite  mesure, 
Morz  poise  tot  a  juste  pois,  .  .  . 
Morz  met  orgeuil  a  porreture, 
Morz  fait  faillir  la  guerre  as  rois.  . .  . 

Morz,  se  riche  homme  a  toi  pensassent, 

Ja  lor  ames  la  n'engaj assent 

0  n'a  mestier  or  nes  argenz: 

Ja  lor  vius  cors  si  n'aaisassent 

Ne  lor  ongles  si  n'aguisassent 

Por  escorchier  les  povres  genz, 

Car  en  caus  fiches  tu  tes  denz 

Plus  en  parfont  et  plus  dedenz 

Qui  povres  et  travaillent  lassent 

Les  abandonez  a  toz  venz, 

Qui  de  la  sustance  as  dolenz 

La  fain  d'avarice  respassent. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE. SOCIAL   ORDER  55 

Morz,  tu  defies  et  guerroies 
Qaus  qui  des  tailles  et  des  proies 
Font  les  sorfaiz  et  les  outrages: 
Toz  tes  tormenz  en  caus  emploies 
Qui  d'autrui  doleur  font  lor  joies. 
Neporquant  c'est  mais  li  usages 
(Ce  pert  par  tot  as  seignorages).  . .  . 

Morz,  tu  queurs  la  o  orgueus  fume 
Por  esteindre  quanqu'il  alume: 
Tes  ongles,  sanz  oster,  enz  nches 
El  riche,  qui  art  et  escume 
Sor  le  povre  cui  sane  il  hume. 
(Vers  de  la  Mort,  st.  3,  12,  20,  21,  31,  32,  40,  41,  42)  « 

From  the  South  of  France  came  the  same  cry  against  the 
rapacity  of  the  rich  and  noble.    The  following  verses  are  those 

44  O  Death,  who  hast  revenues  in  all  places,  who  canst  despoil  the  rich, 
who  castest  down  the  mighty  and  reducest  to  nothing  the  most  powerful, 
who  canst  take  away  honors  and  make  the  strongest  to  sweat  with  fear, 
and  the  most  cautious  to  slip,  Death,  ...  I  wish  to  send  thee  to  princes 
that  are  too  much  accustomed  to  burden  those  who  suffer  from  cold  and 
heat.  Death,  thou  avengest  the  lowly  against  the  mighty.  .  .  .  Thou 
cuttest  down  with  thy  scythe  falcons  and  hawks  and  girfalcoDS  which 
thou  seest  stretching  their  necks  to  the  sky.  .  .  .  Death,  Death  who 
wilt  never  be  weary  of  changing  high  to  low,  very  gladly  would  I  have 
thee  teach  both  the  kings  [of  France  and  England}  how  thou  drawest  a 
hunting-knife  to  shear  the  wealthy,  Death,  who  abasest  those  of  high 
degree  and  who  makest  ashes  of  kings'  bodies.  Thou  hast  trammel  and 
nets  and  toil  to  stretch  before  the  mighty  man  who  to  increase  his  power 
attempts  the  impossible.  .  .  .  Death,  thou  bringest  low  at  one  stroke  as 
well  the  king  in  his  tower  as  the  poor  man  under  his  humble  roof.  Death 
makes  a  free  man  of  a  serf,  and  enslaves  king  and  pope;  Death  renders  to 
each  what  he  deserves;  he  gives  to  the  poor  man  what  he  lacks;  Death 
takes  from  the  rich  all  he  has  snatched.  Death  renders  justice  to  all; 
Death  gives  true  measure  to  all;  Death  brings  pride  to  corruption;  Death 
makes  kings'  wars  to  fail.  Death,  if  rich  men  thought  of  thee,  never 
would  they  endanger  their  souls  where  neither  gold  nor  silver  avails;  .  .  . 
nor  would  they  sharpen  their  nails  to  flay  the  poor,  for  thou  fastenest 
thy  teeth  most  deeply  in  those  who  set  the  poor  at  hard  tasks  and  weary 


56       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH    LITERATURE 

of  an  aristocrat,  denouncing  the  selfishness  of  his  class.  The 
troubadour,  Peire  Cardinal,  sings: 

Li  ric  home  an  pietat  tan  gran 
De  paubra  gen,  com  ac  Caym  d'Abelh; 
Que  mais  volon  tolre  que  lop  no  fan, 
E  mais  mentir  que  toz  as  de  bordelh: 
Si  'Is  crebavatz  en  dos  locx  o  en  tres, 
No  us  cugessetz  que  vertatz  n'issis  ges 
Mas  messongas,  don  an  al  cor  tal  fon 
Que  sobrevertz  cum  aigua  de  toron. 

Mans  baros  vey,  en  mans  luecx,  que  y  estan 
Plus  falsamen  que  veyres  en  anelh; 
E  qui  per  fis  los  ten  falh  atrestan 
Cum  si  un  [1.  onj  lop  vendia  per  anhel; 
Quar  els  no  son  ni  de  ley  ni  de  pes; 
Ans  foron  fag  a  ley  de  fals  poges; 
On  par  la  cros  e  la  flors  en  redon, 
E  no  y  trob  om  argent  quan  lo  refon. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  347) 48 

those  exposed  to  every  wind,  those  who  feed  the  hunger  of  their  avarice 
with  the  sustenance  of  the  wretched.  Death,  thou  defiest  and  makest  war 
upon  those  who  lay  excessive  taxes  and  burdensome  services;  thou  usest 
all  thy  torments  upon  those  who  base  their  pleasures  upon  the  griefs  of 
others.  Nevertheless,  that  is  the  common  usage.  (This  appears  every- 
where among  the  nobility.)  Death,  thou  hastenest  wherever  pride  kindles, 
to  extinguish  it  whenever  it  blazes  up:  thy  nails  thou  fastenest,  without 
letting  go,  in  the  rich  man  who  burns  and  foams  over  the  poor  whose 
blood  he  sucks. 

45  The  rich  have  as  much  pity  for  the  poor,  as  Cain  had  for  Abel;  for 
they  are  more  eager  to  plunder  than  are  wolves,  and  to  deceive  than  are 
bawds.  If  you  should  pierce  them  in  two  or  three  places,  you  need  never 
expect  truth  to  issue  forth,  but  falsehoods,  of  which  they  have  in  their 
heart  so  great  a  spring  that  it  gushes  forth  like  water  from  a  fountain. 

Many  barons  I  see  in  many  places,  who  are  falser  than  glass  in  a  finger 
ring;  and  he  who  regards  them  as  true  men  errs  as  much  as  if  one  should 
sell  a  wolf  for  a  lamb;  for  they  are  not  legal  currency  nor  are  they  of  the 
right  weight;  they  were  made  after  the  fashion  of  false  coins,  on  which 
appear  the  cross  and  wreath  of  flowers,  but  one  finds  no  silver  in  them 
when  one  melts  them. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  57 

Three  passages  now  to  be  quoted  have  a  more  ominous  ring, 
as  if  popular  discontent  were  already  a  power  to  be  feared.  The 
first  extract  is  from  a  poem  somewhat  earlier  than  the  other 
poems  studied,  the  Roman  de  Rou  of  Wace  (1160-1174).  The 
fact  that  the  author's  sympathies  were  with  the  duke  rather 
than  with  his  oppressed  subjects  makes  his  testimony  to  the 
peasants'  wretchedness  the  more  convincing.  The  revolt 
described  took  place  about  the  year  1000  {Roman  de  Rou,  iii, 
769),  soon  after  the  accession  of  Richard  the  Good  to  the  Nor- 
man dukedom.  The  appellation  "good"  may  in  the  sequel 
seem  a  misnomer;  it  had  reference,  however,  as  Wace  himself 
explains,  to  the  duke's  zeal  in  serving  God,  or  what  came  to 
the  same  thing  in  the  mind  of  the  chronicler,  to  his  liberality 
towards  the  Church.  He  built  Feschamp  and  made  it  the 
richest  abbey  of  western  France  (1.793).  He  honored  the  monks 
so  that  men  " marveled"  at  his  piety  and  did  not  too  curiously 
scan  the  sources  of  his  wealth.  Wace's  account  of  economic 
conditions  in  this  good  duke's  province  is  equally  applicable  to 
his  own  age.  Indeed,  the  stern  realism  of  the  passage  marks 
it  as  written  by  one  who  knew  well  that  the  grievances  he 
enumerated  were  no  imaginary  wrongs.  He  depicted  the 
peasants'  life  as  he  had  himself  seen  it. 

Ne  guaires  n'aueit  due  este, 
Quant  el  pais  surst  une  guerre, 
Ki  dut  grant  mal  faire  en  la  terre. 
Li  paisant  e  li  uilain,  .  .  . 
Ne  sai  par  cui  entichement,  . . . 
Par  uinz,  par  trentaines,  par  cenz 
Vnt  tenu  plusurs  parlemenz.  .  . . 
Priueement  ont  purparle 
E  plusurs  l'unt  entr'eals  iure, 
Que  ia  mais  par  lui  uolonte 
N'aurunt  seinur  ne  auoe. 
Seignurs  ne  lur  funt  si  mal  nun, 
Ne  puet  aueir  a  els  fuisun 
Ne  lur  guainz  ne  lur  laburs; 
Chascun  iur  uunt  a  granz  dulurs. 


58       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

En  peine  sunt  e  en  hahan, 
Antan  fu  mal  e  pis  awan: 
Tote  iur  sunt  lur  bestes  prises 
Pur  aies  e  pur  seruisces; 
Tant  i  a  plaintes  e  quereles 
E  custummes  uiez  e  nuueles, 
Ne  poent  une  hure  aueir  pais: 
Tute  iur  sunt  sumuns  as  plais; 
Plaiz  de  forez,  plaiz  de  moneies, 
Plaiz  de  purprises,  plaiz  de  ueies, 
Plaiz  de  Dies  faire,  plaiz  de  moutes, 
Plaiz  de  defautes,  plaiz  de  toutes, 
Plaiz  d'aguaiz,  plaiz  de  graueries 
Plaiz  de  medlees,  plaiz  de  aies. 
Tant  i  a  preuoz  e  bedeaus 
E  tanz  bailiz,  uiels  e  nuuels, 
Ne  poent  aueir  pais  une  hure.  .  .  . 
A  force  f unt  lur  aueir  prendre : 
Tenir  ne  s'osent  ne  defendre  . .  . 
Ne  puent  aueir  nul  guarant .  .  . 
Ne  lur  tienent  nul  cuuenant. 
"Fiz  a  putain,"  dient  auquant, 
"Pur  quei  nus  laissum  damagier? 
Metura  nus  fors  de  lur  dangier  ! 
Nus  sumes  humes  cum  il  sunt, 
Tels  menbres  auum  cum  il  unt, 
E  autresi  granz  cors  auum 
Et  autretant  suffrir  poum. 
Ne  nus  faut  fors  cuers  sulement. 
Alium  nus  par  serement; 

Nos  aueir s  e  nus  defendum, 

E  tuit  ensemble  nus  tenum. 

E  s'il  nus  uelent  guerrier, 

Bien  auum  cuntre  un  cheualier 

Trente  v  quarante  paisanz, 

Maniables  e  cumbatanz. 

Malueis  serunt  e  uil  li  trente, 

Bacheler  de  bele  iuuente, 

Ki  d'un  ne  se  porrunt  defendre, 

S'il  se  uvelent  ensemble  prendre. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  59 

As  macues  e  as  granz  peus, 

As  saietes  e  as  tineus, 

As  haches,  as  arcs,  as  gisarmes 

E  as  pieres  ki  n'aura  armes, 

Od  la  grant  gent  ke  nus  auum 

Des  cheualiers  nus  defendum, 

Einsi  porrum  aler  el  bois, 

Arbres  trenchier  e  prendre  a  chois, 

Es  uiuers  prendre  les  peissuns 

E  es  forez  les  veneisuns; 

De  tut  ferum  nos  uolentez 

Del  bois,  des  eues  e  des  prez." 

(Roman  de  Rou,  Part  iii,  816-894)  " 

46  He  had  been  duke  but  a  short  time  when  a  revolt  broke  out  in  the 
country,  which  did  great  harm  to  the  land.  The  peasants  and  serfs,  I 
know  not  at  whose  instigation,  by  twenties,  by  thirties,  by  hundreds,  held 
many  meetings.  They  talked  together  secretly,  and  many  swore  to  one 
another  that  never  more  with  their  consent  should  they  have  lord  or 
protector.  Lords  do  them  nothing  but  harm  [they  complained];  neither 
their  profit  nor  their  toil  provides  them  with  abundance;  every  day  they 
endure  great  hardships,  they  suffer  pain  and  fatigue.  Their  lot  was  hard 
last  year,  and  this  year  it  is  worse.  Every  day  their  beasts  are  seized  for 
imposts  and  taxes;  there  are  so  many  complaints  and  actions  and  tithes, 
new  and  old,  that  they  cannot  have  peace  an  hour.  Every  day  they  are 
summoned  to  the  court  (of  their  lord),  there  are  suits  dealing  with  the 
forests,  with  the  coinage,  with  enclosures,  with  highways,  with  cattle- 
raising  [?],  with  grazing,  with  defaults,  with  impositions,  with  disputed 
claims,  with  taxes.  There  are  so  many  overseers  and  beadles  and  so  many 
bailiffs,  old  and  new,  that  the  peasants  cannot  have  peace  an  hour.  These 
officers  take  the  peasants'  property  by  force;  the  peasants  dare  not  resist 
or  defend  themselves.  They  have  no  protection,  nor  can  they  obtain 
a  covenant  from  their  lords.  "Cowards  that  we  are!"  say  some,  "Why 
do  we  allow  ourselves  to  be  ill  treated?  Let  us  put  ourselves  out  of  their 
power.  We  are  men  as  they  are;  we  have  such  limbs  as  they  have,  and 
we  have  as  stout  bodies,  and  we  can  endure  as  much.  All  we  lack  is 
courage.  Let  us  take  an  oath;  let  us  defend  ourselves  and  our  goods, 
and  support  one  another.  And,  if  they  try  to  wage  war  upon  us,  against 
one  knight  we  have  fully  thirty  or  forty  peasants,  strong  and  able  to 
fight.  Thirty  such  men  in  the  flower  of  their  youth  must  be  weakling 
and  base,  if  they  cannot  defend  themselves  against  one  knight,  provided 
they  act  together.     Let  us  arm  ourselves  with  maces  and  clubs,  with  arrows 


60       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

The  chronicle  goes  on  to  relate  that  before  the  peasants' 
plan  was  matured  it  was  betrayed  to  Richard;  that  the  duke's 
men,  led  by  his  uncle  Raoul,  seized  the  ringleaders  and  inflicted 
summary  punishment  on  them.  The  atrocities  meted  out  to 
these  hapless  peasants  teach  us  to  appreciate  the  boldness  of 
such  early  martyrs  to  the  cause  of  popular  liberty.  The  rich 
were  mulcted  of  their  fortune: 

Ne  lur  laissa  Fun  rien  a  prendre 
De  tant  cum  Tun  les  pout  raendre. 

(Roman  de  Rou,  iii,  955) 

The  poor  suffered  mutilation: 

A  plusors  fist  traire  les  denz, 

Les  autres  fist  especier, 

Traire  les  oilz,  les  puins  couper.  .  .  . 

Ne  li  chaut  gueires  qui  qu'en  muire. 

Les  autres  fist  tut  uifs  rostir 

E  les  autres  en  plum  builir. 

(Roman  de  Rou,  iii,  936) 

This  treatment  was  efficacious  in  crushing  resistance  to 
tyranny. 

N'en  firent  puis  uilain  semblant. 
Retrait  se  sunt  tuit  e  demis 
De  ceo  k'il  aueient  enpris 
Pur  la  pour  de  lur  amis, 
K'il  uirent  defaiz  e  malmis. 

(Roman  de  Rou,  iii,  948) 47 

and  cudgels,  with  axes  and  bows  and  spears,  and,  if  any  one  has  no  other 
weapon,  with  stones.  By  the  great  multitude  that  we  have,  let  us  defend 
ourselves  against  the  knights.  Thus  we  shall  be  able  to  go  into  the  wood 
and  cut  trees  and  select  at  will,  and  take  fish  from  the  ponds  and  deer 
from  the  forests.  We  shall  do  entirely  as  we  choose  with  the  woods,  the 
streams,  and  the  meadows." 

47  (TlolloJ  allowed  them  to  retain  nothing  that  he  could  take  from  them. 

He  ordered  the  teeth  of  many  to  be  pulled  out;  some  he  had  mutilated: 
their  eyes  torn  out,  their  hands  cut  off.  ...  He  cared  not  if  the  victims 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    SOCIAL   ORDER  61 

To  Wace  the  outbreak  and  its  suppression  formed  a  mere  epi- 
sode in  his  story  of  chivalrous  exploits,  but  to  modern  readers 
it  is  perhaps  the  most  significant  passage  in  the  poem.  From 
it  we  learn  the  frightful  cost  in  human  suffering  of  that  bril- 
liant feudal  society;  we  see  the  brutalizing  effect  of  arbitrary 
power  on  the  ruling  class,  and  we  learn  to  respect  such  catch- 
words as  the  "sacred  right  of  revolution,"  pardoning  what 
these  may  contain  of  rodomontade,  out  of  reverence  for  the 
blood  shed  to  make  them  a  common  heritage. 

Philippe  de  Novare  (1265)  hints  at  the  same  danger  of  popu- 
lar vengeance. 

Les  jones  genz  font  de  legier  volantiers  outrages  et  tors; 
et  se  il  sont  fort,  il  laidissent  ou  deseritent  lor  povres  voisins 
.  .  .  et  les  batent  et  mehaignent,  et  aucun[s]  en  ocient.  Tout 
ce  est  morteus  pechiez,  et  granz  perilz  i'a  as  riches  homes;  car 
assez  i'a  de  povres  hardiz,  et  por  ce  qu'il  ont  moins  a  perdre, 
se  vangent  plus  tost.  Et  ausis  mole  est  la  pance  dou  riche 
home  comme  dou  povre:  bien  i  puet  antrer  li  glaives,  car  li 
viguereus  n'oblie  mie  honte  de  legier,  ainz  panse  sovant  a  la 
vanjance.     (§40.) 

(Quatre  tenz  d'aage  d'ome,  §  40)  48 

The  last  work  from  which  I  shall  illustrate  the  spirit  of  social 
unrest  in  medieval  French  literature  is  the  latest  version  of  the 


died  from  their  injuries.  Others  he  caused  to  be  burned  alive  and  still 
others  boiled  in  lead. 

The  peasants  never  did  the  like  again.  All  drew  back,  and  abandoned 
what  they  had  undertaken,  through  fear  of  suffering  the  fate  of  their 
friends,  whom  they  saw  disfigured  and  maimed. 

*s  Young  men  readily  commit  outrages  and  wrongs,  and  if  they  are 
strong,  they  injure  or  plunder  their  poor  neighbors  .  .  .  and  some  of 
them  they  kill.  All  this  is  mortal  sin,  and  likely  to  bring  great  peril  upon 
rich  men;  for  there  are  many  poor  and  reckless,  and  because  they  have 
little  to  lose,  they  will  the  sooner  avenge  themselves.  And  the  body  of 
the  rich  man  is  as  soft  as  that  of  the  poor;  a  knife  may  easily  enter  therein, 
for  a  strong  man  does  not  lightly  forget  a  shame,  but  often  meditates 
vengeance. 


62       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Reynard  story,  Renart  le  Contrefait.  The  first  draft  of  this 
poem  was  written  in  the  years  1319  to  1322,  the  second  was 
begun  in  1328  and  completed  about  1342.  All  the  extracts 
made  except  the  last  are  from  the  revised  poem.  The  author 
adopted  for  his  literary  form  the  popular  beast-epic,  a  trans- 
parent disguise  under  which  he  might  more  safely  attack  the 
clergy  and  nobility.  The  simple  fun  of  the  earlier  versions  is 
quite  lost  in  the  caustic  wit  of  the  last  redaction.  Although 
the  satire  is  hidden  in  a  mass  of  anecdotes  and  good  counsel, 
and  of  lore  theological,  astrological,  historical,  the  author's 
intent  is  clear. 

Like  Jean  de  Meung,  and  like  Rousseau  in  a  later  time,  the 
poet  assumes  an  original  "state  of  nature."  Under  a  system 
of  communal  ownership  and  absolute  freedom  from  government 
restrictions,  the  anarchist's  dream  had  been  realized :  men  had 
lived  together  a  happy  family  in  noble  simplicity. 

Trestout  a  l'encommencement 

Poeuple  vivoit  devotement 

Des  biens  que  la  terre  portoit; 

L'un  a  l'autre  les  departoit 

Begninement  selon  leur  vye.  .  .  . 

Ne  faisoient  greniers  ne  tresor, 

Ne  scavoient  qu'est  argent  ny  or,  .  .  . 

Par  nature  tous  s'entr'amoient; 

Les  fruitz  des  arbres  de  la  terre 

Ilz  alloient  tous  les  jours  querre; 

Es  fleuves  prenoient  les  poissons 

De  raviseaulx  [ramisseaux?~]  faisoient  maisons; 

D'herbe  vert,  de  bois,  de  gaudines, 

Faisoient  loges  et  courtines; 

La  acolloient  leurs  amies 

Et  menoient  jolies  vies. 

Envie  ne  pechie-  mortel 

N'estoient  point  en  leur  hostel.  .  .  . 

Nul  n'avoit  sur  l'autre  maistrise, 

Trestous  vivoient  en  francise; 

II  n'estoit  baillif  ne  prevost.  .  .  . 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  63 

L'un  a  l'autre  portoit  son  bien; 
Quant  l'un  avoit,  il  disoit:  "Tien  !" 
Jamais  prier  ne  s'en  feist; 
Tout  le  premier  que  il  ve'ist, 
II  offroit  de  sa  soustenance. 

{Renart  le  Contrefait,  36831-63) 49 

This  blessed  state  had  only  one  defect,  but  that  was  a  defect 
fatal  to  its  continuance:  it  rested  upon  no  settled  conviction 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  as  to  the  expediency  and  justice  of 
social  equality.  Accordingly  it  broke  up  at  the  first  attack. 
When  certain  men  plotted  to  seize  the  public  stock  for  private 
use,  the  injustice  of  their  scheme  was  not  recognized  and  their 
plan  succeeded.  Their  next  step  was  to  establish  a  government 
to  protect  their  stolen  property.  As  in  the  Romance  of  the  Rose, 
the  first  king  was  "ung  grant  vilain,"  but  the  author  of  Renart 
was  a  degree  more  radical  than  even  Jean  de  Meung,  for  he 
would  not  admit  that  subjection  to  one  master  might  be  a  lighter 
thraldom  than  the  yoke  of  many  plunderers.  Renard  himself 
established  the  nobility  in  their  new  privileges. 

Lors  establi  je  gentillesse 

Qui  humility  griefve  et  blesse.  .  .  . 

La  fis  departir  toute  gent 

Terres  et  prez,  bois  et  rivieres; 

Cil  ot  le  plus  qui  plus  fort  yeres.  .  .  . 

49  In  the  very  beginning,  people  lived  piously  on  the  fruits  that  the 
earth  brought  forth.  Each  shared  them  charitably  with  his  neighbor 
according  to  his  need.  .  .  .  They  built  no  granaries;  they  laid  up  no 
stores,  nor  knew  the  use  of  silver  or  gold;  .  .  .  they  felt  natural  affection 
for  one  another;  they  went  forth  each  day  to  find  the  fruits  of  the  earth; 
they  caught  the  fish  in  the  rivers;  they  built  houses  of  green  branches; 
they  made  huts  and  curtains  of  green  grass,  of  wood  of  the  glades.  There 
they  welcomed  their  friends  and  led  joyous  lives.  Neither  malice  nor 
any  other  mortal  sin  was  in  their  dwellings.  .  .  .  No  one  had  mastery 
over  the  other;  all  lived  in  freedom;  there  was  neither  bailiff  nor  overseer. 
.  .  .  Each  brought  his  property  to  the  others;  when  one  had  abundance, 
he  said:  "Take  for  yourselves."  Never  did  any  one  wait  to  be  asked; 
as  soon  as  he  saw  a  neighbor,  he  offered  him  of  his  substance. 


64       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Lors  fis  je  les  chateaulx  drechier, 
Charity  toute  despisier. 
Quant  aucuns  biens  tollu  avoient, 
En  iceulx  chateaulx  les  portoient.  .  .  . 
Pour  ce  fi  je  faire  chateaulx, 
Et  les  fosses,  et  les  creneaulx; 
Et  cilz  trestous  premier  les  firrent 
Qui  les  plus  volentiers  tollirent.  .  .  . 
Et  nulle  autre  oeuvre  ne  faisoient 
Fors  que  tollir  la  ou  pooient. 
Ne  firent  nulle  oeuvre  de  main 
Fors  que  tollir  et  soir  et  main. 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  36919-36952)  50 

At  last  Renard  confesses  himself  outdone  by  his  apt  followers 
and  trembles  for  his  "art." 

Tant  mon  art  multipli'eront 
Q'ung  jour  venrra  que  ilz  cherront. 
Mon  art  en  orgoeul  perira; 
Bien  scay  que  Dieu  le  destruira; 
Ades  le  m'a  Raison  convent. 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  37027)  51 

A  similar  threat  occurs  in  an  earlier  passage.  The  nobles, 
instigated  by  Renard,  had  approached  King  Lion  with  a 
modest  proposal  of  economic  justice. 

60  Then  I  established  the  order  of  knighthood,  which  now  afflicts  and 
injures  the  poor.  ...  I  caused  to  be  divided  among  the  people  farms  and 
meadows,  woods  and  streams;  he  had  the  most  who  was  the  strongest. 
.  .  .  Then  I  made  them  erect  castles,  and  despise  all  charity.  When  they 
had  carried  off  any  goods,  they  bore  them  into  their  castles.  .  .  .  For  this 
reason  I  bade  them  construct  castles  and  moats  and  crenelated  walls; 
and  those  who  were  the  most  ready  to  plunder  were  the  first  to  build 
strongholds.  .  .  .  And  they  did  no  other  work  except  plundering  wherever 
they  could.  They  did  no  work  with  their  hands  except  plundering  both 
night  and  morning. 

51  They  will  extend  my  art  so  much  that  a  day  will  come  when  they  will 
fall  by  it.  My  art  will  perish  in  pride.  Well  I  know  that  God  will  destroy 
it;   Reason  has  warned  me  of  it. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  SOCIAL  ORDER  65 

"Sire,  nous  avons  accords,  .  .  . 
Que  les  povres  fouled  seront, 
Bon  tamps  bien  ne  honneur  n'avront, 
Fain  et  froit  tousjours  sera  leur 
Et  renommee  de  malheur. 
Et  encoir  le  conseil  est  telz 
Que  on  leur  toille  leur  chatelz,  .  .  . 
Et  tout  adez  iront  charges, 
Mai  peiiz  et  souvent  tenchies, 
Et  seront  les  derrains  ouys, 
Chier  tamps,  neisge,  froit  et  gellee 
Leur  cherra  tout  sur  l'eschin6e; 
En  ost,  en  guerre  mis  devant, 
En  festez  boutez  laidement;  .  .  . 
Les  riche  au  contraire  seront 
Pris  et  honneur  tousjours  aront;  .  .  . 
Leurs  choses  seront  bien  gardees 
Et  leurs  maisnies  deportees; 
Vins  avront,  viandes,  chevaulx; 
Tout  seront  leur,  et  mons  et  vaulx." 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  627-674)  52 

King  Lion  had  readily  acquiesced.  The  injustice  is  of  ancient 
date,  comments  the  author,  and  Renard's  power  of  long  stand- 
ing, yet  the  end  is  all  but  in  sight,  for  men  are  beginning  to 
bring  Reason  to  the  settlement  of  social  problems,  and  neither 
Force  nor  Cunning  is  a  match  for  that  antagonist. 

62  "Sire,  we  have  agreed  that  the  poor  shall  be  trampled  under  foot; 
they  shall  have  neither  pleasure,  property  nor  honor;  hunger  and  cold 
shall  always  be  their  portion  and  proverbial  ill-luck.  And  moreover  our 
counsel  is  that  their  chattels  be  taken  from  them,  that  they  shall  hence- 
forth be  heavily  laden,  ill  nourished,  often  insulted,  and  last  listened  to. 
Hard  times,  snow,  cold  and  frost  shall  fall  upon  their  backs;  in  the  army, 
in  war,  pushed  to  the  front,  in  feasts  they  shall  be  shoved  contemptously 
aside.  .  .  .  The  rich  shall  be  just  the  reverse;  they  shall  always  have  esteem 
and  honor.  .  .  .  Their  property  shall  be  well  guarded  and  their  households 
delightful;  wines  they  shall  have,  meats,  horses;  all  shall  be  theirs,  both 
mountain  and  valley." 


66       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Mais  quant  Raison  veult  assaillir 
Renard,  bien  tost  le  fait  faillir: 
Devant  Raison  durer  ne  peut. 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  719)  M 

In  support  of  their  radical  sociology,  Jean  de  Meung  and 
Matheolus  had  also  been  led  to  attach  great  importance  to  the 
appeal  to  reason  rather  than  to  authority  and  usage  in  the 
decision  of  disputed  matters.  Their  phraseology  and  sym- 
bolism are  antiquated,  but  the  principle  of  their  work  is  essen- 
tially modern. 

The  Roman  de  Renart  is,  however,  more  revolutionary  than 
any  other  work  of  the  period,  and  more  violent  in  its  denun- 
ciation of  the  high-born.  An  interesting  episode  is  Renard's 
meeting  with  the  Vilain  who  is  about  to  seek  an  end  to  his 
wretchedness  in  death.  The  peasant's  tale  is  told  with  a 
directness  and  realism  that  show  the  author's  interest  in  the 
victim  of  feudal  tyranny. 

"Vilain  suis  je,  nomine"  tu  m'as, 

Et  par  mon  droit  nom  m'apelas. 

Vilain  suis  je,  c'est  mon  accord, 

Car  vouldroie  bien  estre  mort; 

Car  je  suis  jusques  la  sailli 

Que  tous  mes  biens  me  sont  failli, 

Et  toutes  honneurs,  et  tous  pris, 

Que  de  long  temps  avoie  apris.  .  .  . 

Mais  de  doleur  ay  plain  le  corps, 

Si  que  je  vouldroie  estre  mors. 

Je  ne  voy  mais  arrier  n'avant, 

Tant  ay  a  mon  coeur  doleur  grant."  .  .  . 

Je  souloye  estre  bien  eureux 

Et  de  trestous  biens  plentureux,  .  .  . 

Et  m'a  dure1  bien  soixante  ans.  .  .  . 

Or  suis  sur  la  fin  de  mon  temps, 

Que  me  deiisse  reposer.  .  .  . 

53  But  when  Reason  undertakes  to  assail  Renard,  right  soon  she  over- 
comes him;  before  Reason  he  can  not  hold  out. 


PROTEST   AGAINST  THE    SOCIAL   ORDER  67 

Or  m'a  mon  seigneur  envahy, 
Et  si  durement  enhay 
Que  il  a  prins  quanquez  j'avoye,  .  .  . 
Ne  scay  ou  mon  vivre  soit  pris. 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  22675-22853)  M 

Renard,  on  this  occasion,  declares  for  the  common  man.  Per- 
haps it  is  his  fear  of  approaching  death  that  has  led  him  to 
renounce  his  old-time  alliance  with  the  nobles  he  now  con- 
demns. A  man  is  not,  he  maintains  a  "vilain"  except  as  his 
misconduct  makes  him  one;  nor  is  one  a  gentleman  by  virtue 
of  his  gilded  spurs,  his  falcons,  and  his  greyhounds. 

De  meilleurs  coeurs  a  soubz  bureaux 

Et  dessoubz  fourrures  d'aigneaux 

Qu'il  n'a  soubz  vairs  et  soubz  ermines.  .  .  . 

Qui  le  coeur  a  loial  et  fin, 

II  est  gentil,  ce  est  la  fin. 

Des  malvais  gentilz  sont  les  guerres 

Et  les  dissencions  es  terres, 

Les  orphelins,  les  povretes, 

Toutes  malvaises  euretes, 

Ly  orgoeul  et  la  symonie, 

Trestous  despis  et  toute  envye. 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  22711-22751)  M 

M  "'Vilain'  I  am;  you  have  named  me,  and  called  me  by  my  right 
name.  I  am  a  'vilain,'  I  grant  it,  for  I  should  gladly  die,  since  I  have 
reached  such  a  condition  that  all  my  property  is  gone,  and  all  my  honors 
and  all  the  esteem  that  I  had  been  of  a  long  time  acquiring.  .  .  .  But  my 
body  is  full  of  pain,  so  that  I  should  gladly  die.  I  see  nothing  behind  or 
before,  so  great  is  the  grief  at  my  heart.  ...  I  was  once  very  happy  and 
well  supplied  with  every  good  thing.  .  .  .  Now  1  have  completed  full 
sixty  years,  and  I  am  nearing  the  end  of  my  life  when  I  ought  to  rest.  .  .  . 
But  now  my  lord  has  seized  my  possessions  and  treated  me  so  cruelly  that 
he  has  taken  from  me  everything  I  had;  ...  I  do  not  know  where  I 
can  get  my  living. 

65  There  are  better  hearts  under  fustian  and  under  sheep's  skins  than 
there  are  under  vair  and  ermine.  .  .  . 

If  a  man  has  a  faithful  and  refined  nature,  he  is  "noble,"  that  is  the 
end  of  the  matter.     From  wicked  nobles  come  wars  and  dissensions  about 


68       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Renard,  indeed,  classes  the  nobility  with  beasts  of  prey  as 
disturbers  of  society. 

Se  gentilz  horns  mais  n'engenroit, 
Ne  jamais  louve  ne  portoit, 
Et  grant  cheval  ne  fust  jamais, 
Tout  le  monde  vivroit  en  paix. 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  22705-22722)  58 

When  death  threatens,  Renard  is  distracted  by  the  con- 
flicting advice  of  Fear,  menacing  him  with  the  torments  of  Hell 
if  he  die  impenitent,  and  of  Nature,  urging  him  to  continue  in 
the  path  of  pleasure.  When  Reason  comes  to  the  aid  of  Fear, 
Renard  succumbs.  He  makes  confession  to  a  hermit,  and  a 
more  extraordinary  confession  there  never  was.  Renard 
admits  that  his  boasted  "art"  was  little  better  than  thievery. 
He  has  followed  all  of  the  honored  professions  and  some  of  the 
disreputable  trades,  but  as  he  unfolds  the  principles  of  these 
callings,  they  seem  strangely  alike.  For  the  crimes  he  has 
committed  against  the  humble  in  his  capacity  of  lawyer,  of 
doctor,  of  courtier,  of  cleric,  of  tavern-keeper,  of  usurer,  he 
asks  absolution.  But  he  cannot  regret  the  thefts  he  has  prac- 
ticed upon  the  nobles  and  the  churchmen,  who  despise  the 
peasants  and  oppress  the  weak. 

Sur  tout  cil  qui  gentieulx  se  tient 
Ay  prins,  et  prens,  et  prenderay;  .  .  . 
Hz  ostent  sans  recompenser 
Quancques  bons  poeuent  amasser; 
Tailles,  corvees,  formariages, 
Mainsmortes,  dismes,  et  usages;  .  .  . 
Aultres  gens  ne  voeulx  desrober, 
Fors  ces  deux  en  tous  tempz  lober, 
Les  gentilz  gens  et  gens  d'Eglise; 
La  est  toute  m'entente  mise. 


estates,  orphanhood,  poverty,  every  kind  of  bad  fortune,  pride  and  simony, 
every  sort  of  spite  and  envy. 

66  If  nobleman  never  begot  sons,  and  wolf  never  brought  forth  a  brood, 
if  there  were  never  a  high  horse,  all  the  world  would  live  in  peace. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    SOCIAL   ORDER  69 

Trestous  estrangler  les  volroie, 
Ja  conscience  n'en  feroie, 
Et  pour  ce  especialment 
Que  nous  scavons  certainement 
Qu'ilz  haient  trestous  laboureurs 
Et  bons  preudommes  et  gaigneurz, 
Et  les  apellent  leurs  vilains.  .  .  . 
Les  bons  guaigneurz  sont  les  brebis 
Qui  se  devestent  sans  mentir 
Pour  tous  leurs  maistres  revestir; 
Les  bons  gaigneurz  font  les  froumens, 
Mais  ja  n'en  macheront  des  dens; 
Ilz  n'en  ont  que  les  escoussures, 
Et  des  bons  vins  les  aigoutures, 
Des  bones  laines  les  tissus. 
Toute  le  goute  et  tout  le  miex 
Ont  les  gentilz  et  le  clergie\ 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  25472-25525) 57 

Many  a  poor  fellow  that  goes  to  death  on  the  gallows  for  a 
petty  theft  is,  Renard  maintains,  a  truer  man  than  this  fine 
gentry.  This  contention  and  the  evident  understanding  of  the 
vagrant's  life,  shown  by  Rutebeuf,  Jean  de  Meung  and  this 
author  of  Renart  suggest  how  close  at  times  must  have  been  the 
connection  between  the  needy  scholar  and  the  jetsam  of  city 
life.  The  last  writer  is  especially  inclined  to  regard  leniently 
the  night  adventurer,  pardoning  the  irregularities  of  his  con- 
s' From  all  those  who  call  themselves  noble,  I  have  stolen,  and  I  steal, 
and  I  shall  steal.  .  .  .  They  take  without  recompense  whatever  they  can 
collect:  taxes,  forced  labor,  marriage- taxes,  mortmain,  tithes  and  customs; 
I  will  not  rob  other  classes,  but  always  I  will  rob  these  two,  the  gentry 
and  the  clergy.  My  whole  mind  is  set  upon  that.  I  should  be  glad  to 
strangle  them  all,  —  my  conscience  would  never  prick  me  for  it,  —  espe- 
cially because  we  know  with  certainty  that  they  hate  all  laborers,  honest 
men  and  wage-earners,  and  they  call  such  their  serfs.  .  .  .  Good  laborers 
are  the  sheep  that  divest  themselves  to  clothe  their  masters;  good  laborers 
grow  the  grain,  but  never  shall  they  grind  any  of  it  with  their  teeth.  They 
have  only  the  chaff  and  the  dregs  of  the  good  wines;  the  gentry  and  the 
clergy  have  the  essence  and  the  best  part. 


70      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST  IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

duct  because  of  his  courage,  his  generosity,  his  gayety;  his 
quarrel  with  the  standards  of  society  is  irreconcilable.  When 
Renard  has  stolen  the  fat  purse  of  a  hated  noble,  he  makes 
merry  with  these  boon  companions. 

Quant  j'ay  fait  une  telle  gaigne; 

Lyez  et  joyeulx  je  m'en  deporte, 

Et  aulx  bons  compagnons  l'aporte 

Qui  ne  see  vent  de  jour  aller 

Fors  que  de  nuit  pour  desrober.  .  .  . 

Et  par  ces  abbayes  coeurent, 

Par  tavernes,  par  ces  celliers, 

Par  ces  chanbres,  par  ces  greniers. 

S'ilz  avoient  d'or  plain  grenier, 

L'endemain  n'en  scevent  denier; 

Plus  tost  sont  chault,  plus  tost  sont  froit; 

Or  sont  larges,  or  sont  estroit; 

Or  ont  vestu  la  robe  grise, 

Et  l'endemain  sont  en  chemise.  .  . . 

Telz  compagnons  doit  on  amer; 

Mais  on  doit  clerc  jetter  en  mer. 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  25534-25566)  68 

The  perplexed  confessor  manifests  considerable  interest  in 
the  tale  of  this  interesting  penitent,  but  at  the  close  refuses 
absolution  and  prescribes  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome.  Various  ad- 
ventures are  recounted  to  lure  the  reader  along  through  the 
diatribes  against  society  and  the  displays  of  erudition,  which 
are  the  gist  of  the  book.  On  one  occasion  another  priest,  who 
wishes  to  redeem  Renard,  asks  whether  he  has  not  done  some 

68  When  I  have  stolen  a  treasure-hoard,  I  go  off  with  it  joyous  and  light- 
hearted,  and  I  bring  it  to  my  good  comrades,  who  dare  not  show  them- 
selves by  day,  but  creep  forth  at  night  to  steal,  .  .  .  and  they  haste  to  the 
abbeys  and  the  taverns,  to  the  cellars,  the  chambers,  the  granaries.  If 
they  had  today  a  chamber  of  gold,  tomorrow  they  could  not  account  for 
a  sou.  Now  they  are  warm,  now  they  are  cold;  now  they  spend  lavishly, 
now  they  are  hard  beset;  now  they  are  clothed  in  fur,  now  they  have 
only  their  shirts.  .  .  .  Such  comrades  one  ought  to  love,  but  one  ought 
to  throw  the  priests  into  the  sea. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    SOCIAL   ORDER  71 

meritorious  action.  The  list  of  good  deeds  enumerated  by 
Renard  is  a  stinging  indictment  of  society.  Renard's  "art" 
is  seen  in  the  pride  and  greed  of  the  great  lords,  in  the  burdens 
imposed  upon  the  poor,  in  the  taxes  of  inheritance  and  of 
marriage,  in  the  tithes,  the  days  of  forced  labor  on  the  roads 
and  on  the  lord's  estate,  in  the  exactions  of  usurers  and  in  the 
benevolences  for  the  church.  Such  statements  of  the  laborer's 
grievances  are  not  unusual  in  medieval  literature,  but  the  de- 
ductions drawn  by  the  author  of  Renard  are  revolutionary  as 
in  no  other  work  of  the  period;  Renard  sneers  that  the  peas- 
ants are,  after  all,  a  mean-spirited  set,  that  they  suffer  all  these 
indignities  and  do  not  revolt  (11.  36827-38222). 

Mais  d'une  chose  esbahis  suis 

Que  tant  grever  je  ne  les  pes  vilains]  puis 

Que  ilz  ne  les  pes  seigneur z]  voeullent  amer, 

S'ilz  lew  faisoient  le  coeur  crever 

Et  chascun  jour  les  trainaissent, 

Que  les  vilains  ne  les  aimaissent, 

Les  criemment  et  lew  portent  honneur, 

Et  les  appellent:  "Monseignew  !"  .  .  . 

Ne  ne  s'endwent  a  bien  faire, 

Aincois  vivent  moult  povrement, 

Vestent,  chaussent  moult  povrement; 

Du  tout  se  voeullent  abaissier 

Pour  leurs  seigneurz  leurs  biens  laissier, . . . 

Et  les  meschans  vilains  les  suient, 

Honneurent  et  font  honnourer 

Ceulx  qui  les  voeullent  ahonter. 

Doit  on  bien  hair  telz  vilains  .  .  . 

Et  croy  se  les  dens  leur  traioient 

Que  les  vilains  les  aimeroient. 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  38159-38188)  M 

68  I  am  amazed  at  one  thing,  that  I  can  not  afflict  the  peasants  so  much 
that  they  do  not  love  their  lords.  If  the  latter  should  break  their  hearts 
and  every  day  degrade  them,  still  the  peasants  would  love  them.  They 
fear  them,  show  them  respect  and  call  them:  "My  lord."  They  dare 
not  treat  themselves  well;  instead  they  live  very  poorly,  they  dress  poorly, 


72      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

An  apparently  innocent  tale  of  a  cat's  climbing  a  tree  to 
escape  a  party  of  young  squires  takes  on  political  significance 
by  the  cat's  menace  to  her  tormentors : 

"Dant  escuier, 
Veoir  vous  puisse  ge  essuier, 
Que  tantes  foiz  m'avez  pen6, 
Souvant  batu,  po  bien  donn6, 
Antre  vous  qui  vivez  de  proie  !  .  .  . 
Vous  fetes  tant,  gros  et  menu, 
Que  vous  estes  po  chier  tenu, 
Et  si  ne  peut  demourer  gaire 
Que  vous  n'aiez  tuit  trop  a  faire, 
Car  li  peuples  vous  ha'ira, 
Et  puis  si  vous  anvaira 
Pour  l'orguel  que  vous  demenez, 
Et  de  plus  an  plus  vous  penez. 

(A  Version,  196  d)  60 

The  impression  made  by  the  mass  of  literature  dealing  with 
social  relations  is  depressing  in  the  extreme.  The  misery 
pictured  by  Rutebeuf  appears  to  have  been  the  common  lot. 
To  judge  by  the  testimony  of  these  writings,  the  rapacity  of 
the  great  was  unchecked,  the  distress  of  the  poor  without  hope. 
Political  rights  were  withheld  from  the  people,  who  were, 
nevertheless  forced  to  bear  the  political  burdens.  The  wars  of 
ambitious  kings,  the  quarrels  of  the  nobles,  the  splendor  of 

they  go  poorly  shod;  they  desire  to  be  wretched  in  every  respect  in  order 
to  leave  their  property  to  their  lords.  .  .  .  And  the  contemptible  peasants 
follow  them,  honor  them  —  honor  those  who  intend  to  dishonor  them. 
One  ought  to  hate  such  wretches.  ...  I  even  believe  that  if  the  lords 
should  tear  out  their  teeth,  the  peasants  would  still  love  them. 

eo  My  young  lords,  may  I  see  you  hard-pressed  because  you  have  so 
often  injured  me,  so  often  struck  me,  given  me  so  little,  you  who  live  by 
preying  upon  others  1  .  .  .  Great  and  small,  you  oppress  the  people  griev- 
ously so  that  they  have  little  affection  for  you,  and  it  cannot  be  long 
before  you  will  have  quite  enough  to  keep  you  busy,  for  the  people  hate 
you,  and  then  they  will  attack  you  on  account  of  the  pride  that  you  show, 
and  the  increasing  burdens  you  inflict. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE   SOCIAL   ORDER  73 

feudal  courts  were  paid  for  in  blood  and  treasure  by  the  peas- 
ants, who  were,  however,  powerless  to  affect  in  any  degree  the 
policy  that  consigned  them  to  ruin.  What  wonder  if  the  Her- 
mit mourns  that  Charity  has  vanished  from  the  earth?  what 
marvel  if,  as  Gautier  and  Matheolus  record,  the  peasants  re- 
jected the  faith  because  the  bitterness  of  their  own  lives  had 
made  them  incredulous  of  finding  justice  anywhere  in  the  exist- 
ing sorry  scheme  of  things? 

Two  remedies  offered  for  the  evils  of  the  times  will  have  been 
noted.  The  first  was  that  of  Etienne,  Guillaume  and  most 
clerics:  the  conversion  of  the  ruler  to  a  sense  of  his  duty. 
The  second  remedy  was  the  uprising  of  the  oppressed,  as 
described  by  Wace,  feared  by  Philippe  de  Novare,  and  recom- 
mended in  Renart  le  Contrefait.  Likewise  of  revolutionary 
tendency  was  the  rationalistic  thinking  of  Jean  de  Meung  and 
his  imitators,  reducing,  as  it  did,  the  whole  system  of  govern- 
ment and  the  gradations  of  society  to  a  successful  combination 
of  trickery  and  violence. 

Today  the  obvious  criticism  of  the  first  policy  is  that  the 
people's  welfare  is  safer  in  its  own  hands  than  entrusted  to  the 
most  benevolent  despot;  of  the  second,  that  revolution,  undi- 
rected by  constructive  statemanship,  cannot  do  more  than 
transfer  power  from  one  group  to  another.  The  chief  hope  of 
progress  in  this  medieval  literature  is  then  in  the  discontent, 
keenly  felt  and  boldly  expressed. 


CHAPTER  II 

PROTEST  AGAINST  THE   DOMINATION   OF  THE   CHURCH 

The  citations  of  the  preceding  chapter  show  that  thoughtful 
men  of  medieval  France  by  no  means  acquiesced  in  the  exist- 
ing social  order  as  the  best  possible.  This  chapter  will  be 
devoted  to  the  views  of  these  medieval  authors  on  moral  and 
intellectual  questions.  Discussion  of  such  matters  often  in- 
volved criticism  of  the  Church,  for,  unlike  our  modern  institu- 
tion, the  medieval  Church  assumed  leadership,  not  only  in 
theology  and  ethics,  but  in  philosophy,  science  and  politics. 

This  position  it  could  maintain  because  all  instruction  was 
given  in  church  schools  and  practically  all  scholars  were  church- 
men. Since  as  an  unfortunate  consequence  of  this  manifold 
domination  of  the  Church,  all  kinds  of  matters  got  tangled  up 
with  the  exercise  of  religious  functions,  revolt  against  eccle- 
siastical supremacy  took  many  forms: 

Strictures  on  the  corruption  of  the  clergy, 

Protest  against  the  usurpation  by  the  Church  of  temporal 
power, 

Rejection  of  certain  articles  of  faith, 

Substitution  of  reason  for  authority  as  a  criterion  of  belief, 

Reaction  against  asceticism. 
To  say  that  the  medieval  Church  was  disposed  to  repress 
all  such  independent  thinking  without  discrimination  is  to 
attach  to  it  no  special  blame.  Its  attitude  was  a  necessary 
consequence  of  its  inheritance.  In  the  Celtic  and  Teutonic 
faiths  religion  had  meant  piety,  the  propitiation  of  ancestors 
and  gods,  that  in  return  harvests  might  be  plentiful  and  flocks 
increase.  Ethics,  the  relation  of  man  to  man,  was  quite  a 
different  matter.     The  Roman  state-religion  was  a  late  stage 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE   CHURCH  75 

of  this  ritualistic  religion,  and  characterized  by  minute  atten- 
tion to  ceremonies  and  a  punctilious  remembrance  of  the  dead 
and  of  national  deities. 

Christianity,  however,  had  been  a  development  from  the 
prophetic  rather  than  from  the  priestly  teaching  of  Judaism. 
As  the  Hebrew  prophets  had  ascribed  to  conduct  the  religious 
significance  of  a  service  well  pleasing  to  a  righteous  God,  so 
the  New  Testament  writers  had  preached  a  gospel  of  equity 
and  brotherly  love: 

To  obey  is  better  than  sacrifice,  and  to  hearken  than  the 

blood  of  rams. 
Pure  religion  and  undefiled  before  God  and  the  Father  is 
this,  to  visit  the  fatherless  and  widows  in  their  affliction 
and  to  keep  himself  unspotted  from  the  world. 
When,  however,  Christianity  became  a  world-religion,  it  in- 
evitably was  modified  by  its  impact  with  the  Roman  system, 
and  later  with  Celtic  and  Teutonic  tradition.    It  is  not  strange 
then  that,  although  morality  was  still  held  to  be  inseparably 
bound  up  with  piety,  the  ritualistic  element  should  develop 
and  that  obedience  should  be  held  more  important  than  right 
living.      Excommunication,    consequently,    was    directed    not 
against  great  sinners,  but  against  rebels  to  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority:   the  Inquisition  was  instituted,  the  Albigensian  Cru- 
sade was  preached,  in  order  to  maintain  the  supremacy  of  the 
Church. 

Although,  however,  it  may  be  regarded  as  inevitable  that  a 
church  almost  in  its  militant  stage  should  exhibit  hostility 
towards  all  innovation,  it  must  yet  be  recognized  that,  along 
with  the  wildest  vagaries,  one  finds  in  the  rubbish-heap  of 
"heresies"  much  of  the  deepest,  most  fruitful  thinking  of  the 
time. 

Certain  heresies,  lacking  their  singer,  did  not  find  their  way 
into  literature.  For  these  the  historian  must  account.  We 
know,  for  example,  that  Peter  Waldo  of  Lyons,  the  leader  of 
the  Waldenses,  held  as  superstitious  the  use  of  holy  water, 
images  and  relics,  and  condemned  fasting  and  the  granting  of 


76       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

indulgences.  But,  if  the  movement  produced  any  literature, 
it  perished  with  the  victims  of  the  Inquisition.  We  learn  the 
beliefs  of  these  early  reformers  only  from  the  chronicles  of  their 
enemies. 

In  regard  to  the  evil  doings  of  the  clergy,  however,  the 
Church  was  less  fortunate  in  escaping  satiric  pens.  Jongleurs, 
clerics,  priests  even,  denounced  in  no  measured  terms  the  ve- 
nality and  self  seeking  of  the  consecrated  servants  of  religion. 
Although  the  present  study  is  in  no  wise  a  history  of  morals, 
and  still  less  an  attack  on  the  Church,  it  is  necessary  to  intro- 
duce here  many  long  citations  to  show  how  erroneous  is  the 
popular  opinion  of  the  Middle  Ages  as  an  epoch  of  uncritical 
submission  to  the  dicta  of  the  Church.  These  centuries  count 
rather  as  a  period  in  which  spiritual  emancipation  makes  great 
advance.  Out  of  the  evil  of  the  times  comes  this  good:  the 
release  of  the  intellect  from  subjection  to  ecclesiastical  direction. 

The  following  quotations  are  arranged  in  approximately 
chronological  order.  The  earliest  cited  is  from  the  Livre  des 
manieres.  Since  Etienne  de  Fougeres  was  himself  a  church- 
man of  high  dignity,  holding  successively  the  offices  of  chaplain 
to  Henry  II  of  England,  and  of  bishop  of  Rennes,  the  evidence 
is  the  less  open  to  dispute.  Dark  as  was  the  picture  he  drew  of 
the  manners  of  the  laity  in  his  day,  he  made  a  yet  blacker 
presentment  of  clerical  indulgence.  He  spoke  his  mind  without 
fear  or  favor,  not  sparing  in  his  denunciation  the  highest 
ecclesiastics. 

Pasteiement  et  beverie 
Cest  lor  deduit  par  lecher ie; 
Tuit  sont  torne*  a  tricherie, 
Moult  aurunt  male  escherie.  .  .  . 

II  escommigent  avoltire, 
Mes  il  i  chient  tot  a  tie; .  .  . 

Lor  soignanz  peissent,  lor  mestriz 
Del  patremoine  au  crucefiz 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  77 

Et  lor  effan^onez  petiz 

Des  trenteus  qu'il  n'ont  deserviz.  .  .  . 

Bien  sevent  prendre  et  estoier 

Que  par  tolte,  que  par  loier; 

Lor  funt  cil  le  borses  voier 

Que  au  plus  menant  deit  ennoier.  .  .  . 

Ja  ne  pout  Ten  ci  cest  jor  creire 
Ne  clerc  ne  moine  ne  proveire.  .  .  . 

II  sunt  peire  que  li  paien. 

Sor  l'evesque  est  la  cope  meire 
Qui  a  eels  sofre  ice  a  feire, 
Qu'a  De  n'a  home  ne  deit  pleire, 
Et  prent  loier  por  ice  teire. 

Noalz  est  des  iglises  vendre; 

Nes  dorra,  s'il  n'i  quide  prendre. .  .  . 

Escience  n'i  vaut  ne  leitre, 
Ne  bien  feire,  ne  mal  demestre; 
Si  en  iglise  te  velz  meitre, 
Prente  au  doner,  lei  le  premeitre. 

(Livre  des  manibres,  St.  49-67) l 

1  Feasting  and  drinking  to  excess  are  their  delights;  they  are  false  to  their 
vows.  They  shall  receive  an  evil  recompense.  They  excommunicate  the 
adulterer,  but  fall  into  his  sin,  one  and  all.  .  .  .  They  support  their  mis- 
tresses on  the  revenues  of  the  crucifix,  and  their  children  by  trentals  which 
they  have  not  sung.  .  .  .  They  know  well  how  to  get  and  keep,  both  by 
imposts  and  rents:  they  make  men  empty  their  purses  until  the  richest 
feel  the  burden.  No  one  today  can  trust  cleric  or  monk  or  priest.  .  .  . 
They  are  worse  than  pagans.  .  .  .  The  blame  is  greater  for  the  bishop 
who  suffers  his  underlings  to  act  in  such  fashion;  for  he  ought  to  please 
God,  and  not  man,  but  he  does  accept  bribes  to  be  silent.  It  is  a  mortal 
sin  to  sell  church  benefices,  but  the  bishop  will  make  no  appointment 
except  in  the  hope  of  gain  for  himself.  .  .  .  Knowledge  and  learning  avail 
nothing  [towards  promotion  in  the  church];  doing  good  and  shunning 
evil,  as  little.  If  you  wish  to  be  a  master  in  the  church,  give  freely,  promise 
lavishly. 


78       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

The  true  pastor  should  speak  fearlessly  in  reprimanding 
vice,  but  his  life  must  be  of  a  measure  with  his  precept: 

Mes  gart  que  ce  qu'il  blame  o  boche 
Qu'i  ne  l'adeist  ne  qu'il  n'i  toche, 
Quar  qui  feit  ce  qu'il  blasme  o  boche, 
Asez  trove  qui  li  reproche. 

(Livre  des  manieres,  st.  84) 2 

For  the  papal  office  Etienne  professed  reverence,  but  he 
dared  to  pass  over  in  contemptuous  silence  a  signal  opportunity 
for  extolling  the  merits  of  the  reigning  pope.  He  would  not 
bend  his  stern  spirit  to  win  advancement  by  flattery.  When 
in  his  survey  of  the  clergy  he  came  to  speak  of  the  head  of 
the  Church,  he  wrote  seven  cold  lines: 

Neviuge  Dex,  ne  ne  pout  estre, 
Que  cil  qui  est  sovrein  prestre, 
Qui  n'a  sor  sei  nule  autre  mestre 
Ne  mes  Jhesum  le  rei  celestre 

Qui  vest  le  roge  pluvial, 
Et  porte  ceptre  enperial, 
Qu'il  face  chose  desleial. 

(Livre  des  manieres,  st.  125,  126)  3 

Writing  twenty  years  later,  the  monk  Helinant  made  his 
attack  directly  upon  the  papal  circle.  Although  he  too  omitted 
from  express  censure  the  sovereign  pontiff,  he  denounced  so 
fearlessly  the  presumptive  aspirants  for  the  high  dignity  that 
the  omission  may  be  ascribed  to  deference  for  the  office.  No 
timid  man  penned  the  following  passages: 

*  Let  him  give  heed  that  what  he  condemns  with  his  lips  he  does  not 
approach  or  touch,  for  he  who  does  what  he  condemns  finds  many  to 
blame  him. 

3  God  forbid  —  and  indeed  it  cannot  be  —  that  he  who  is  supreme 
priest,  who  has  over  him  no  other  master  except  Jesus  the  celestial  King, 
who  wears  the  bishop's  robe  and  bears  the  imperial  sceptre,  should  do  an 
unworthy  action. 


PROTEST  AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  79 

Morz,  .  .  . 

Va  moi  saluer  la  grant  Romme, 

Qui  de  rongier  a  droit  se  nomnie, 

Car  les  os  ronge  et  cuir  poile, 

Et  fait  a  simoniaus  voile 

De  chardonal  et  d'apostoile. 

Morz,  fai  enseler  tes  chevaus 

Por  sus  metre  les  chardonaus, 

Qui  luisent  comme  mort  charbon 

Por  la  clarte-  qu'il  ont  en  aus: 

Di  lor  que  mout  ies  dure  a  caus 

Qui  plus  aerdent  que  chardon 

A  bel  present  et  a  grant  don 

Et  por  ce  ont  chardonal  non. 

Romme  emploie  maint  denier  faus  .  .  . 

Et  si  sorargente  le  plon 

Qu'en  ne  conoist  les  bons  des  maus. 

(Vers  de  la  mort,  st.  13,  14)  * 

Writing  with  his  usual  well  balanced  judgment,  Guillaume 
le  Clerc  was  careful  to  extol  the  virtues  of  some  of  the  clergy. 
But  too  many,  he  thought,  were  false  shepherds,  such  as  "creep, 
and  intrude,  and  climb  into  the  fold."  Let  each  pastor  remem- 
ber, he  admonishes,  that  he  must  answer  with  his  own  life  for 
his  sheep.  No  plainer  or  bolder  rebuke  of  evil  could  be  found 
in  a  twentieth  century  pamphlet. 

Mais  jeo  vei  clers  qui  riche  sont, 
Qui  granz  rentes  e  beles  ont, 
Qui  en  malves  us  les  despendent 
E  qui  a  deu  petit  en  rendent. 

*  Death,  go  salute  for  me  great  Rome.  Well  may  she  derive  her  name 
from  rongier  [gnawj,  for  she  gnaws  bones  and  plucks  skin  and  veils  the 
simony  of  cardinal  and  pope.  .  .  .  Death,  order  thy  horses  saddled  to 
mount  the  cardinals,  who  shine  like  dead  coals  in  respect  to  the  brilliancy 
they  give  forth:  tell  them  that  thou  art  hard  to  those  who  stick  closer 
than  burrs  \_chardon~]  to  rich  present  and  costly  gift,  and  for  that  reason 
have  the  name  of  cardinal  [chardonnV}.  Rome  circulates  many  false  coins, 
and  silvers  over  the  lead  so  that  one  cannot  tell  the  good  from  the  bad. 


80       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

E  quant  aucun  est  tant  hauce 
Par  symonie  ou  par  pecche 
Qu'il  a  un  evesche  en  garde, 
Tantost  vers  les  deners  esgarde. 
Maintenant  aune  tresor 
E  comence  a  coillir  estor.  .  .  . 
E  se  il  n'est  entre  par  l'us 
En  la  faude  entre  ses  brebis, 
Comme  lerres  serra  honiz. 
Tost  en  avra  vint  mile  en  bailie: 
Mes  gard  bien  que  une  n'en  faille  ! 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  593) 

E  quant  il  ot  la  grant  richece, 
Les  rentes  de  la  haute  iglise, 
Dom  il  deust  a  ma  devise 
Le  plus  por  amur  deu  partir 
E  le  mains  a  sei  retenir, 
De  trestut  ceo  ne  fist  il  rien: 
Ainz  fu  plus  aveir  que  un  chien. 
Qui  un  grant  os  a  en  sa  gole.  .  .  . 
Poi  dona  e  poi  despendi. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  630-639) 

Icest  dolent  que  respondra 
Quant  le  somoneor  vendra 
Al  daerain  jor  de  juise, 
Qui  a  les  biens  de  sainte  iglise 
E  les  besanz  deu  enfoiz? 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  657-661) 

Arcediacres  e  diens  .  .  . 
Qui  consentent  les  avoltires, 
Les  causes  jugent  e  terminent 
E  as  loiers  prendre  s'enclinent, 
Les  fornicacions  cunsentent,  .  .  . 
Justise  vendent  e  dreiture; 
Mult  en  avront  cil  chere  cure. 


PROTEST   AGAINST  THE    CHURCH  81 

E  les  persones  que  feront 

Qui  les  riches  iglises  ont 

Treis  ou  quatre  en  une  province, 

Que  dirront  il  devant  le  prince? 

Qui  lor  femmes  avront  peues 

Des  granz  rentes  qu'il  ont  eues, 

E  marie  filles  e  fiz 

Del  patrimoine  au  crucefiz? 

E  les  prestres  parroissez, 

Qui  au  prendre  sont  tut  dis  prez, 

Qui  les  confessions  receivent 

Des  doloros  que  il  deceivent, 

E  lor  enjoingnent  les  anuels, 

E  des  messes  e  des  trentels,  .  .  . 

Et  puis  apres  rien  ne  feront. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  673-700) 5 


5  But  I  see  priests  who  are  rich,  who  have  large  incomes,  but  who  spend 
them  in  evil  ways  and  give  little  to  God.  And  when  a  priest  has  risen  so 
high  through  simony  or  sin  that  he  has  a  bishopric  in  charge,  immediately 
he  thinks  of  a  fortune.  He  heaps  up  treasure  and  begins  to  amass  wealth, 
but  if  he  has  not  entered  by  the  door  into  the  fold  among  the  sheep,  as  a 
thief  he  shall  be  dishonored.  Soon  he  shall  have  twenty  thousand  souls 
in  his  care,  but  let  him  see  to  it  that  he  does  not  lose  a  single  one.  .  .  . 
And  when  he  had  great  riches,  the  revenues  of  the  holy  church,  the  greater 
part  of  which,  as  I  think,  he  ought  to  have  dispensed  for  the  love  of  God 
and  to  have  kept  the  smaller  share  for  himself,  he  did  nothing  of  the 
kind.  Instead  he  was  more  greedy  than  a  dog  that  has  in  his  mouth  a 
big  bone:  .  .  .  little  he  gave,  little  he  distributed.  What  shall  this  wretch 
answer  when  the  Judge  shall  come  at  the  last  day,  the  priest  who  has 
buried  the  treasures  of  holy  church  and  the  talents  of  God?  .  .  .  Arch- 
deacons and  deacons,  .  .  .  who  permit  adultery,  who  in  delivering  judg- 
ment stoop  to  take  bribes,  who  consent  to  fornication,  .  .  .  who  sell 
justice,  these  will  be  in  very  hard  case;  and  those  who  have  rich  churches, 
three  or  four  in  a  province,  what  will  they  do,  what  will  they  say  before 
the  Prince?  They  who  have  supported  their  mistresses  on  the  great 
revenues  of  the  church,  and  portioned  their  daughters  and  sons  on  the 
property  of  the  Crucifix?  And  what  will  the  parish  priests  say,  those 
who  are  always  ready  to  take  money  and  receive  confessions  from  the 
unhappy  persons  that  they  deceive  by  enjoining  upon  them  masses,  an- 
nuals and  trentals,  but  then  do  not  celebrate  the  offices. 


82      THE   SPIRIT   OF  PROTEST  IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

The  Church  is  like  a  ship  in  a  storm.    The  helmsman  is  true, 
but  beset  by  evil  counselors. 

Obeir  devon  a  saint  pere.  . .  . 
Mes  il  i  a  tant  d'une  gent 
Coveitose  d'or  e  d'argent 
Qu'il  font  la  nef  croistre  e  branler 
E  hors  de  dreite  veir  aler. 
Cil  qui  plus  pres  del  mestre  sont, .  . . 
Cil  aiment  trop  roges  deners.  . . . 
Jeo  m'esmerveil,  jeol  vus  an, 
Mult  durement  que  nostre  mestre 
Soefre  en  la  nef  tele  gent  estre  .  .  . 
Par  quei  li  diables  i  entre  .  .  . 
E  la  fait  por  poi  afondrer. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  2270-2306) 

Plus  millers  que  nus  ne  puet  dire 

A  en  la  nef  qui  mal  en  dient 

E  qui  tut  plainement  s'escrient, 

Que  del  chief  vient  la  coveitise, 

Qui  a  tute  la  nef  malmise, 

Car  quant  cil  qui  la  nef  governe, .  . . 

Est  de  tele  gent  avirone, . . . 

Coment  se  porra  il  por  rien 

De  lor  venim  garder  si  ben 

Qu'il  n'en  sente  aucune  estencele?  . . . 

Mes  eels  qui  li  sont  environ, 

Cardenals,  legaz  e  provoz, .  .  . 

Plus  que  autres  coveitos  sont. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  2322-2369) 

E  por  ceo  semble  que  la  nef 
N'a  mie  biau  tens  ne  suef. 
Jeo  vei  les  torbotes  lever, 
De  tutes  parz  parmi  la  mer 
Les  torbotes  levees  sont. 
Car  jeo  vei  ui  par  tut  le  mont 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE    CHURCH  83 

Comencer  guerres  e  contenz 
E  gent  drescier  encontre  genz. 
Jeo  vei  pestilences  e  faims. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  2425-2433) 6 

In  a  passage  cited  before  (p.  21),  we  have  seen  Guillaume 
exposing  beneath  the  cloak  of  religious  zeal  greed  for  the 
goodly  possessions  of  heretics.  In  the  death  of  Louis  VIII 
(1226),  he  had  seen  the  hand  of  God,  striking  down  the  monarch 
in  the  midst  of  his  ill-gotten  gain.  He  returns  to  the  subject 
again  towards  the  end  of  his  book,  this  time  laying  the  chief 
blame  for  the  atrocities  of  the  Albigensian  Crusade  directly 
to  the  account  of  Rome,  the  instigator  of  this  unholy  and  un- 
brotherly  war.* 

Rome  ne  deit  pas,  ceo  m'est  [a]vis, 
Se  un  de  ses  fiz  ad  mespris 
E  voille  faire  adrescement, 
Enveier  sus  lui  erraument 
Son  greinor  fiz  por  lui  confondre. 
Mult  le  deust  anceis  somondre, 
E  blandir  et  amonester 
Que  faire  son  regne  gaster. 

*  We  ought  to  obey  the  Holy  Father  .  .  .  but  there  are  so  many  of 
the  clergy  covetous  of  gold  and  silver,  that  they  make  the  ship  creak  and 
shake  and  depart  from  the  right  course.  Those  who  are  nearest  the 
Master  .  .  .  love  too  much  the  red  coin.  I  marvel  greatly,  I  assure  you, 
that  our  Master  suffers  such  people  to  be  in  the  ship.  Through  such  men 
the  Devil  enters  and  all  but  causes  the  ship  to  founder.  There  are  more 
thousands  in  the  ship  than  one  could  count,  who  speak  ill  of  it,  and  who 
cry  out  plainly  that  the  blame  of  covetousness  rests  upon  the  head  be- 
cause he  misdirects  the  ship,  for  if  the  master  of  the  ship  is  surrounded 
by  evil  men,  how  can  he  possibly  guard  himself  from  their  venom  so  care- 
fully that  he  may  receive  no  trace  of  it?  But  those  who  are  about  him, 
cardinals,  legates,  priests,  are  more  covetous  than  the  others.  .  .  .  There- 
fore it  seems  that  the  ship  enjoys  no  mild,  pleasant  weather;  I  see  storms 
sweeping  up  from  over  the  sea  from  all  quarters.  For  I  see  today  through- 
out the  world  wars  beginning  and  strife  and  people  rising  against  people. 
I  see  pestilence  and  famine. 


84       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Quant  Franceis  vont  sor  Tolosans, 

Qu'il  tienent  a  popelicans, 

E  la  legacie  Romaine 

Les  i  conduit  e  les  i  maine, 

N'est  mie  bien,  ceo  m'est  avis. 

(Besant  de  Dieu,  2387-2400) 7 

The  Albigensian  Crusade,  indeed,  must  have  caused  many  a 
thoughtful  observer  to  ponder  the  wisdom  of  alliance  between 
Church  and  State.  As  the  protector  of  the  schismatics,  Count 
Raymond  of  Toulouse,  was  also  a  generous  patron  of  trouba- 
dours, he  counted  many  a  skilful  pen,  as  well  as  ready  sword, 
enlisted  in  his  service,  although  neither  wit  nor  valor  availed 
to  save  the  day.  The  Provencal  poets  even  carried  the  war  into 
the  enemy's  country  by  attacking  the  presumption  of  a  church, 
itself  mercenary  and  corrupt,  yet  assuming  the  right  to  dictate 
in  spiritual  questions.  One  of  the  boldest  of  these  troubadours 
was  Peire  Cardinal.  Of  high  birth  and  great  talents,  educated 
for  the  church,  he  chose  stern  themes  for  his  song.  "On  the 
day  that  I  was  born,"  he  writes,  "the  part  allotted  to  me  in  life 
was  to  love  the  good,  and  to  hate  injustice."  "I  suffer  more 
than  if  I  wore  haircloth  round  my  body,  when  I  see  wrong  done 
to  any  one."  He  found  a  subject  suited  to  his  grim  mood  in 
the  rapacity  of  the  clergy. 

Li  clerc  si  fon  pastor 
E  son  aucizedor 
E  semblan  de  sanctor; 
Quan  los  vey  revestir, 
E  pren  m'a  sovenir 
D'en  Alegri  q'un  dia 
Vole  ad  un  pare  venir, 

7  When  one  of  her  sons  has  done  wrong  but  is  willing  to  make  repara- 
tion, Rome  ought  not,  I  think,  to  send  against  him  her  older  son  to  destroy 
him.  It  would  be  far  better  for  her  to  summon  him  and  talk  gently  with 
him  and  admonish  him  than  to  order  his  lands  laid  waste.  When  the 
French  attack  the  people  of  Toulouse,  whom  they  regard  as  heretics,  and 
the  Roman  legates  lead  them,  that,  methinks,  is  not  right  at  all. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  CHURCH  85 

Mas,  pels  cas  que  temia, 
Pelh  de  moton  vestic, 
Ab  que  los  escarnic; 
Pueys  manjet  e  trahic 
Selhas  que  l'abellic. 

Rey  et  emperador, 

Due,  comte  e  comtor, 

E  cavallier  ab  lor 

Solon  lo  mon  regir; 

Aras  vey  possezir 

A  elerex  la  senhoria.  .  . . 

E  tenon  s'a  fastic 

Qui  tot  non  lor  o  gic, 

Et  er  fag  quan  que  trie.  .  .  . 

Dels  fals  clergues  o  die, 
Qu'anc  mais  tant  enemic 
leu  a  Dieu  non  auzic 
De  sai  lo  temps  antic. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  343)  8 

Qui  volra  sirventes  auzir, 
Tescut  d'enueitz,  d'antas  mesclat, 
A  mi'l  deman,  qu'ieu  l'ai  filat, 
E  sai  lo  teisser  et  ordir.  .  .  . 

8  The  clergy  make  themselves  out  to  be  shepherds  and  they  are  butch- 
ers; and  they  put  on  the  semblance  of  saints.  When  I  see  them  clothe 
themselves  in  their  priestly  garments,  I  am  reminded  of  Sir  Isengrim,  who 
one  day  wished  to  enter  a  sheep-fold,  but  for  fear  of  the  dogs,  wrapped  a 
sheep's  skin  about  him.  By  this  means  he  deceived  the  sheep,  and  so 
seized  and  devoured  such  as  he  pleased.  Kings,  emperors,  dukes,  counts, 
nobles,  and  knights  with  them,  used  to  rule  the  world ;  now  I  see  the  chief 
authority  possessed  by  the  clergy;  and  they  are  indignant  at  any  one  who 
does  not  give  his  all  to  them;  and  it  will  be  done,  however  long  it  is  delayed. 
...  I  speak  of  the  false  clergy,  for  never  since  the  bad  days  of  old  have 
I  heard  of  such  enemies  to  God. 


86      THE   SPIRIT  OF  PROTEST  IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Dels  deslials  clergues  me  mir 

Que  an  tot  l'erguelh  amassat 

E  l'engan  e  la  cobeitat, 

Que  hom  mais  elhs  no  sap  trahir; 

E  fan  soven  perdos  venir, 

Per  aver  so  que  ns  es  restat, 

Et  aquo  lor  es  ben  gardat, 

Que  hom  ni  Dieus  non  pot  jauzir. 

Mas  elh  auran  tot,  quan  que  tir, 
Pus  res  non  lor  es  amparat; 
Qu'els  no  temon  Dieu  ni  peccat, 
Ni  lunh  lag  estar  far  ni  dir, 
Sol  las  terras  puescan  chaupir; 
Qui  s  vuelha  n'aia  l'uelh  moilhat, 
Que  non  an  de  re  pietat 
Mas  de  lor  ventre  adumplir. 

E  d'aquo  no'ls  pot  hom  partir. 
Qu'aissi  com  son  plus  aut  prelat 
An  mens  de  fe  e  de  vertat, 
E  mais  d'engan  e  de  mentir; 
E  mens  en  pot  hom  de  ben  dir, 
E  mais  hi  a  de  falsetat, 
E  mens  hi  trob'  om  d'amistat, 
E  mais  fan  de  mais  us  issir.  .  .  . 

Ab  raubar  gleizas  e'nvazir, 
Et  ab  enguans  son  fals  clergat, 
Senhor  del  mon,  e  sotzplantat 
Sotz  els  sels  que  degran  regir. 

(Raynouard,  Lexique  roman,  i,  446)  9 

9  Who  will  hear  a  sirventes  woven  of  grief,  broidered  with  anger?  Let 
liim  ask  me  for  it  for  I  have  spun  it,  and  I  can  weave  it.  ...  I  marvel 
at  the  faithless  priests  who  have  amassed  pride  and  deceit  and  covetous- 
ness  so  that  in  comparison  with  them  no  one  knows  aught  of  the  art  of 
fraud;  and  they  issue  pardons  often  to  get  what  remains  to  us,  and  their 
possessions  are  well  guarded  so  that  neither  God  nor  man  can  enjoy  them. 
But  they  will  have  everything,  however  I  object,  since  nothing  is  safe 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  87 

Ben  volon  obediensa 

Selhs  de  la  clercia; 
E  volon  ben  la  crezensa, 
Sol  l'obra  no  y  sia: 
Greu  lur  veyretz  far  falhensa 

Mas  la  nueg  e'l  dia; 
E  no  port  on  malvolensa 
Ni  fan  symonia; 
E  son  larc  donador 
E  just  amassador; 
Mas  li  autres  n'an  lauzor, 
E  ilh  la  folhia. 
No  sai  dire  Terror 
Del  segle  fals  traytor, 
Que  fai  de  blasme  lauzor 
E  de  sen  folhia. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  p.  340)  10 

Tartarassa  ni  voutor 
No  sent  plus  leu  earn  puden 
Com  clerc  e  prezicador 
Senton  ont  es  lo  manen; 


from  them;  for  they  fear  not  God  or  sin,  or  the  saying  or  doing  anything 
base  by  which  they  can  acquire  lands.  Let  him  who  wishes  weep  thereat 
for  they  care  for  nothing  except  filling  their  stomachs.  And  no  one  could 
cure  them  of  this  baseness  so  that  the  more  powerful  the  prelates  become, 
the  less  they  have  of  faith  and  virtue,  and  the  more  of  treachery  and  deceit; 
and  the  less  of  good  one  can  say  of  them  and  the  more  of  falsehood;  and 
the  less  one  finds  of  friendship  and  the  more  they  set  evil  examples.  .  .  . 
By  plundering  churches  and  invading  their  lands,  and  by  trickery  have 
the  false  clergy  become  masters  of  the  world  and  trodden  under  their  feet 
those  who  should  govern  them. 

10  The  clergy  desire  our  obedience  and  our  confidence  —  provided  no 
work  is  involved  —  ;  hardly  will  you  see  them  doing  wrong  —  excepting 
night  and  day  —  ;  and  they  bear  no  illwill  to  anyone  and  they  do  not 
practice  simony,  and  they  are  generous  givers  and  they  take  only  what  is 
just;  —  but  other  men  receive  praise  for  it,  and  they  blame.  I  can  not 
tell  the  error  of  the  false  and  treacherous  world,  which  calls  the  commend- 
able act  blameworthy  and  the  sensible  act  foolish. 


88       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Mantenen  son  siei  privat, 
E  quan  malautia'l  bat, 
Fan  li  far  donatio 
Tal  que'l  paren  no  y  an  pro. 

Frances  e  clerc  an  lauzor 

De  mal,  quar  ben  lur  en  pren; .  .  . 

Qu'ab  mentir  et  ab  barat 

An  si  tot  lo  mon  torbat, 

Que  no  y  a  religio 

Que  no  sapcha  sa  lesso. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  357)  u 

Ab  totas  mas  vey  clergues  assajar 

Que  totz  lo  mons  er  lurs,  cuy  que  mal  sia; 

Quar  els  l'auran  ab  tolre  o  ab  dar, 

0  ab  perdon,  o  ab  ypocrizia, 

O  ab  asout,  o  ab  beur',  o  ab  manjar, 

0  ab  prezicx,  o  ab  peiras  lansar, 

O  els  ab  dieu,  o  els  ab  diablia. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  337)  12 

The  same  poem  contains  the  severest  charge  of  all,  his  skil- 
fully feigned  reluctance  to  disclose  the  whole  truth: 


Non  aus  dire  so  qu'elhs  auzon  far. 


13 


11  Kite  and  vulture  do  not  scent  rotting  flesh  more  keenly  than  priests 
and  friars  smell  out  where  the  rich  man  dwells.  At  once  they  are  his 
dear,  dear  friends  so  that  when  sickness  comes  upon  him,  they  induce  him 
to  make  them  a  gift  so  great  that  his  own  kin  get  nothing.  Frenchmen 
and  priests  are  lenient  towards  sin,  because  they  derive  advantage  from 
it;  .  .  .  and  by  falsehood  and  deceit  they  have  so  disturbed  the  world 
that  there  is  no  religious  order  that  has  not  learned  its  lesson. 

12  I  see  the  priesthood  attempting  to  bring  the  world  under  their  sway, 
no  matter  who  opposes;  and  have  it  they  will,  by  force  or  by  gift,  by 
granting  pardons  or  by  hypocrisy,  by  absolutions  or  by  drinking  and 
feasting,  by  prayers  or  by  casting  stones,  by  the  help  of  God  or  the  aid 
of  the  Devil. 

13  I  do  not  dare  to  say  what  they  dare  to  do. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  89 

Even  Peire  Vidal  turned  aside  from  his  busy  love-making  to 
direct  a  venomed  shaft  against  the  clergy. 

Quar  com  an  vout  en  tal  pantays 
L'apostolis  e'lh  fals  doctor 
Sancta  gleiza,  don  dieus  s'irays, 
Que  tan  son  fol  e  peccador 
Per  que  l'eretge  son  levat; 
E  quar  ilh  comenso'l  peccat, 
Greu  es  qui  als  far  en  pogues. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  105) 14 

One  of  the  fiercest  of  these  champions  of  a  lost  cause  was 
Guilhem  Figueira.  The  son  of  a  tailor,  it  was  his  sense  of  out- 
rage that  transformed  him  into  a  poet.  The  violence  of  his 
invective  was  unbounded:  Rome  is  outwardly  a  lamb,  but 
inwardly  a  ravening  wolf  and  a  crowned  serpent.  After  taunt- 
ing Rome  with  the  ineffectual  conduct  of  the  wars  against  the 
Saracens,  he  attacks  the  papal  policy  on  the  ground  that  it  was 
inspired  rather  by  greed  for  the  wealth  of  southern  France  than 
by  zeal  for  Christian  union.  Twenty-one  successive  strophes 
of  the  terrible  indictment  begin  "Roma";  the  name  falls  each 
time  on  the  ear  like  the  blow  of  a  hammer. 

Roma,  ben  dessern 
Los  mals  qu'om  ne  pot  dire, 

Quar  faitz  per  esquern 
Dels  crestias  martire; 

Mas  en  qual  cazern 
Trobatz  qu'om  dey'  aucire, 

Roma,  'Is  crestias?  .  .  . 


14  For  since  the  Pope  and  the  false  doctors  have  brought  holy  Church 
into  distress,  God  is  angered  thereat,  because  they  arc  so  sinful  and  foolish 
that  heretics  have  arisen;  for  when  they  set  an  example  of  sin,  it  is  hard 
to  find  a  common  man  who  would  act  otherwise. 


90       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Roma,  vers  es  plas 
Que  trop  etz  angoissoza 

Dels  prezicx  trefas 
Que  faitz  sobre  Toloza; 

Lag  rozetz  [?]  las  mas 
A  ley  de  cer  rabioza 

Als  paucs  et  als  grans: 

Mas  si'l  corns  prezans 

Viu  encar  dos  ans, 
Fransa  n'er  doloirosa 

Dels  vostres  en j ans. 

Roma,  tant  es  grans 
La  vostra  forfaitura, 

Que  dieus  e  sos  sans 
En  gitatz  a  non  cura, 

Tant  etz  mal  renhans, 
Roma  falsa  e  tafura; 

Per  qu'en  vos  s'escon 

E's  baissa  e  s  cofon 

L'enguan  d'aquest  mon, 
Tant  faitz  gran  desmezura 

Al  comte  Ramon.  .  .  . 

Roma,  per  aver 
Faitz  manta  fellonia, 

E  mant  desplazer, 
E  manta  vilania; 

Tan  voletz  aver 
Del  mon  la  senhoria, 

Que  res  non  temetz 

Dieu  ni  sos  devetz, 

Ane  vei  que  fairetz 
Mais  qu'ieu  dir  non  poiria 

De  mal  per  un  detz.  .  .  . 

Rom',  ab  fals  sembelh 
Tendetz  vostra  tezura, 

E  man  mal  morselh 
Manjatz,  qui  que  l'endura; 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  91 

Car'  avetz  d'anhelh 
Ab  simpla  guardadura, 

Dedins  lop  rabat, 

Serpent  coronat 

De  vibra  engenrat, 
Per  qu'el  diable  us  apella 

Com  al  sieu  privat. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  312)  16 

No'm  laissarai  per  paor 

C'un  sirventes  non  labor 

En  servizi  dels  f als  clergatz ; 

E  quant  sera  laboratz, 

Conoisseran  li  plusor 

L'engan  e  la  fellonia 

Que  mov  de  falsa  clerzia; 
Que  lai  on  an  mais  forsa  ni  poder 
Fan  plus  de  mal  e  plus  de  desplazer.  .  .  . 

Vers  es  que  notre  pastor 
Son  tornat  lop  raubador; 
Qu'il  rauban  deves  totz  latz, 
E  mostran  semblan  de  patz, 

15  Rome,  I  see  clearly  the  evils  that  may  not  be  spoken  of;  for  in  mock- 
ery you  bring  Christians  to  martyrdom.  But  in  what  book  do  you  find 
that  Christians  should  be  put  to  death?  .  .  .  Rome,  just  is  the  event  that 
you  are  sad  because  of  the  evil  preaching  which  you  deliver  against 
Toulouse;  wickedly  you  attack  humble  and  great,  like  a  maddened 
stag.  But  if  the  noble  count  lives  two  years  more,  France  will  be  sorrow- 
ful through  [the  part  she  played  in]  your  schemes.  Rome,  so  great  is 
your  evil-doing  that  God  and  his  saints  you  regard  not,  so  little  are  you 
restrained,  Rome  false  and  deceitful;  because  the  treachery  of  this  world 
is  hidden  and  sunken  and  mingled  in  you,  you  commit  a  great  outrage 
against  Count  Raymond.  .  .  .  Rome,  for  gain  you  commit  many  crimes, 
many  wrongs,  many  base  deeds;  you  are  so  anxious  to  hold  sway  over 
the  world  that  you  have  no  fear  of  God  or  his  saints;  nay,  I  see  even  that 
you  will  do  such  evil  as  I  would  not  name  for  a  throw  of  the  dice.  Rome, 
you  cover  your  wickedness  with  a  false  semblance,  and  thereby  devour 
many  an  ill-gotten  morsel,  no  matter  who  suffers.  You  have  the  face  of 
a  lamb  with  simple  look,  within  you  are  a  ravenous  wolf,  a  crowned  serpent 
engendred  of  a  viper;  therefore  the  Devil  calls  to  you  as  to  his  dear  friend. 


92       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

E  confortan  ab  doussor 

Los  oveillas  noit  e  dia, 

Pois  quant  las  an  en  bailia 
Et  ill  las  fan  morir  e  dechazer 
1st  fals  pastor,  don  eu  m'en  desesper.  . . . 

E  si  vos  en  faitz  clamor, 

Seran  vos  encusador, 

E  seretz  n'escumeniatz; 

Ni,  s'aver  non  lor  donatz, 

Ab  els  non  auretz  amor 

Ni  amistat  ni  paria. 

Vergena,  Sancta  Maria, 
Domna,  si  us  platz,  laissatz  me'l  jorn  vezer 
Qu'els  puosca  pauc  doptar  e  mens  temer  ! 

Vai  sirventes,  ten  ta  via, 

E  di  m'a  falsa  clerzia 
Qu'aicel  es  mortz  qui  s  met  en  son  poder; 
Qu'a  Tolosa  en  sab  horn  ben  lo  ver. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  p.  307)  16 

An  account  of  the  events  that  infused  such  bitterness  into 
the  sweet  singing  of  the  Provencal  poets  is  given  in  the  Chanson 
de  la  Croisade  des  Albigeois.     The  poem  was  written,  as  the 

16  Fear  shall  not  prevent  me  from  composing  a  sirventes  dedicated  to 
the  false  clerics;  and  when  it  shall  be  finished,  many  shall  know  the  deceit 
and  crime  that  originate  with  the  false  clergy;  for  the  more  strength  and 
power  they  have,  the  more  evil  and  sorrow  they  cause.  True  it  is  that 
our  "pastors"  are  become  thievish  wolves;  for  they  steal  in  all  directions, 
and  put  on  a  semblance  of  gentleness  and  re-assure  the  sheep  by  their 
mildness  night  and  day.  Then  when  they  have  the  sheep  in  their  power, 
they  fall  upon  and  kill  them,  those  false  pastors,  whom  I  despair  of.  .  .  . 
And  if  you  make  an  outcry  about  them,  they  will  become  your  accusers 
and  you  will  be  excommunicated,  and  if  you  do  not  give  them  your  prop- 
erty, you  will  not  receive  from  them  friendship  or  love  or  kindly  treatment. 
Virgin,  holy  Mary,  Lady,  if  it  be  thy  will,  let  me  see  the  day  when  I  shall 
suspect  them  little  and  fear  them  less!  Go,  my  song,  pursue  thy  way, 
and  say  to  the  false  clergy  that  he  is  a  dead  man  who  puts  himself  in  their 
power,  for  at  Toulouse  men  know  the  truth  about  them. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE   CHURCH  93 

opening  lines  inform  us,  by  Guilhem,  a  clerk  of  Tudela.  It 
treats  the  occurrences  between  the  years  1210  and  1219.  The 
author  testifies  to  the  spread  of  the  new  doctrine  over  all  south- 
western France  "from  Beziers  to  Bordeaux,"  and  condones,  if 
he  does  not  actually  approve,  the  measures  taken  to  extirpate 
the  heresy.  After  line  2769,  however,  the  attitude  of  the  author 
changes,  becoming  much  more  favorable  to  the  party  of  Count 
Raymond.  Paul  Meyer  and  other  scholars  have  held  that  the 
later  part  is  by  a  different  writer. 

The  troubadour-bishop,  Folquet  of  Marseilles,  fares  hardly 
at  the  poet's  hands,  as  in  the  lines  ascribed  to  Count  Raymond 
of  Toulouse.  Even  to  make  peace  with  Rome,  the  Count  can 
not  unsay  his  opinion  of  the  bigoted  churchman. 

E  die  vos  del  avesque,  que  tant  n'es  afortitz, 
Qu'en  la  sua  semblansa  es  Dieus  e  nos  trazitz;  .  .  . 
Pero,  cant  el  fo  abas  ni  monges  revestitz, 
En  la  sua  abadia  fo  si'l  lums  escurzitz 
Qu'anc  no  i  ac  be  ni  pauza,  tro  qu'el  ne  fo  ichitz. 
E  cant  fo  de  Tholosa  avesque  elegitz, 
Per  trastota  la  terra  es  tals  foes  espanditz 
Que  jamais  per  nulha  aiga  no  sira  escantitz; 
Que  plus  de  .x.  milia,  que  de  grans  que  petitz, 
I  fe  perdre  las  vidas  els  cors  els  esperitz. 
Per  la  fe  qu'ieu  vos  deg,  al  seus  faitz  e  als  ditz 
Ez  a  la  captenensa,  sembla  mielhs  Antecritz 
Que  messatges  de  Roma. 

(Chanson  de  la  Croisade,  3309-3326)  17 


17  And  I  say  to  you  concerning  the  bishop,  that  he  has  become  so  power- 
ful, that  in  his  person  God  is  betrayed  in  us  [mortals].  .  .  .  When  he  was 
abbot  and  wore  the  monk's  frock,  the  light  was  so  obscured  in  his  abbey 
that  neither  holiness  nor  peace  existed  there  until  he  had  left.  And  when 
he  was  chosen  bishop  of  Toulouse,  such  a  fire  was  spread  abroad  through 
all  the  land  as  no  water  will  ever  put  out;  for  he  caused  more  than  ten 
thousand,  both  great  and  small,  to  lose  their  lives,  both  bodies  and  souls. 
By  my  faith,  in  respect  to  his  deeds  and  his  words  and  his  conduct,  he 
seems  to  be  Antichrist  rather  than  the  representative  of  Rome. 


94       THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

The  poet  records  the  instructions  given  by  the  cardinal  to 
the  invaders  and  all  too  faithfully  carried  out: 

Quel  cardenal  de  Roma  prezicans  e  ligens 
Que  la  mortz  e  lo  glazis  an  tot  primeiramens, 
Aissi  que  dins  Tholoza  nils  apertenemens, 
Negus  horn  no  i  remanga  ni  nulha  res  vivens 
Ni  dona,  ni  donzela,  ni  nulha  femna  prens, 
Ni  autra  creatura,  ni  nulhs  efans  laitens; 
Que  tuit  prengan  martiri  en  las  flamas  ardens. 

(Chanson  de  la  Croisade,  9566-9572)  18 

The  "frightful  butchery"  of  the  taking  of  Toulouse  had 
burned  itself  into  the  poet's  memory.  The  narrator  exposes 
pitilessly  every  detail  of  the  massacre.  Pleasant  reading  the 
tale  can  hardly  have  been  to  the  dominant  church  party,  nor 
was  it  intended  to  be  such. 

E  corron  vas  la  vila  ab  los  trencans  agutz 
E  comensal  martiris  el  chaplamens  temutz, 
Quels  baros  e  las  donas  e  los  efans  menutz 
Els  homes  e  las  femnas  totz  despulhatz  e  nutz 
Detrencan  e  detalhan  am  los  brans  esmolutz, 
E  la  earns  e  lo  sancs  e  los  cervels  els  brutz. 
E  membres  e  personas  maitadatz  e  fendutz.  .  .  . 
Estan  per  meg  las  plassas  co  si  eran  plogutz; 
Car  de  lo  sane  espars  qui  lai  s'es  espandutz 
Es  la  terra  vermelha  el  sols  e  la  palutz; 
No  i  remas  horn  ni  femna  ni  joves  ni  canutz 
Ni  nulha  creatura  si  no  s'es  rescondutz. 


La  vila  es  destruita  e  lo  foes  escendutz. 

(Chanson  de  la  Croisade,  9307-9320) 


ID 


18  The  cardinal  bade  his  men  first  of  all  bear  death  and  the  sword  so 
that  in  Toulouse  and  its  environs  there  should  remain  no  man  nor  living 
thing,  no  woman  or  young  girl  or  mother  or  other  creature,  not  even  a 
nursing  child,  but  all  should  suffer  martyrdom  in  glowing  flames. 

19  And  the  crusaders  run  towards  the  city  with  sharp  spears  and  begin 
the  massacre  and  frightful  butchery.     With  their  sharp  blades  they  cut 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  95 

What  marvel  that,    recalling  such   horrors,  the  chronicler 
derides  the  proposal  to  canonize  Simon  de  Montfort! 

Tot  dreit  a  Carcassona  Ten  portan  sebelhir,  .  .  . 

E  ditz  el  epictafi,  eel  quil  sab  ben  legir, 

Qu'el  es  sans  ez  es  martirs,  e  que  deu  resperir, 

E  dins  el  gaug  mirable  heretar  e  florir, 

E  portar  la  corona  e  el  regne  sezir. 

E  ieu,  ai  auzit  dire  c'aisis  deu  avenir: 

Si  per  homes  aucirre,  ni  per  sane  espandir, 

Ni  per  esperitz  perdre,  ni  per  mortz  cosentir, 

E  per  mals  cosselhs  creire,  e  per  foes  abrandir, 

E  per  baros  destruire,  e  per  paratge  aunir, 

E  per  las  terras  toldre  e  per  orgolh  suffrir, 

E  per  los  mals  escendre,  e  pels  bes  escantir, 

E  per  donas  aucirre,  e  per  efans  delir, 

Pot  horn,  en  aquest  segle,  Jhesu  Crist  comquerir, 

El  deu  portar  corona  e  el  eel  resplandir! 

(Chanson  de  la  Croisade,  8681) 20 


and  hack  to  pieces  the  barons  and  ladies  and  little  children,  the  men  and 
women,  despoiled  of  their  clothing  and  naked.  And  their  flesh,  their 
blood,  their  brains,  their  bodies,  their  limbs,  disfigured  and  cut  to  pieces 
...  he  about  the  public  squares  as  if  they  had  rained  down.  With  the 
blood  which  was  shed  there,  the  earth,  the  soil,  the  marsh  was  red.  No 
man  or  woman,  either  young  or  old,  no  living  creature,  was  left  alive, 
except  in  some  hiding-place.  The  city  was  destroyed  and  the  fire  kindled. 
20  Straightway  they  bear  him  [Folquet]  to  Carcassonne  to  be  buried. 
And  the  epitaph  tells,  to  one  who  can  read  it,  that  he  is  a  saint  and  a  martyr, 
and  that  he  is  destined  to  rise  at  the  last  day  and  to  inherit  and  enjoy  the 
marvelous  bliss  [of  heaven],  and  to  wear  the  crown  and  to  sit  in  the  king- 
dom [of  the  saints].  And  I,  indeed,  have  heard  it  said  that  it  may  well 
be  so:  if  by  killing  men,  by  shedding  blood,  by  destroying  souls,  by  con- 
senting to  murders,  by  following  evil  counsels,  by  starting  conflagrations, 
by  destroying  barons,  by  bringing  the  nobility  to  shame,  by  seizing  lands, 
by  supporting  pride,  by  kindling  evils,  by  extinguishing  good,  by  killing 
women  and  destroying  children,  one  can  overcome  Jesus  Christ  in  this 
world,  one  should  wear  a  crown  and  shine  in  heaven. 


96       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Popular  joy  at  the  death  of  the  persecutor  (1218)  broke 
forth  in  snatches  of  song  like  the  Mort  du  Loup. 

Montfort 

Es  mort! 

Es  mort ! 

Es  mort! 
Viva  Tolosa, 
Ciotat  gloriosa 
Et  poderosa! 
Tornan  lo  paratge  et  l'onor! 

Montfort 

Es  mort! 

Es  mort! 

Es  mort! 21 
(V.  Histoire  des  Albigeois,  N.  Peyrat,  vol.  i,  p   407) 

The  swan-song  of  the  cause  was  sung  by  Bernard  Sicard  de 
Marjevols. 

Ab  greu  cossire 
Fau  sirventes  cozen; 

Dieus  !  qui  pot  dire 
Ni  saber  lo  turmen, 

Qu'ieu,  quan  m'albire 
Suy  en  grand  pessamen; 

Non  puesc  escrire 
L'ira  ni'l  marrimen. 
Qu'el  segle  torbat  vey, 
E  corrompom  la  ley 
E  sagramen  e  fey, 
Q'usquecx  pessa  que  vensa 
Son  par  ab  malvolensa 
E  d'aucir  lor  e  sey  [?] 
Ses  razon  e  ses  drey. 


21  Montfort  is  dead!  is  dead!  is  dead!  Long  may  Toulouse  flourish, 
that  glorious  and  powerful  city !  Our  nobles  and  our  honor  return !  Mont- 
fort is  dead!  is  dead!  is  dead! 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  97 

Tot  jorn  m'azire 
E  ai  aziramen; 

La  nueg  sospire 
E  velhan  e  dormen; 

Vas  on  que  m  vire, 
Aug  la  cortesa  gen 

Que  cridon:  "Cyre  I" 
Al  Frances  humilmen.  .  .  . 
Ai !  Toloza  e  Proensa 
E  la  terra  d'Agensa, 
Bezers  e  Carcassey 
Quo  vos  vi !  e  quo  us  vey  ! .  .  . 

Franca  clercia, 
Gran  ben  dey  dire  de  vos, 

E  s'ieu  podia 
Diria'n  per  un  dos. 

Gen  tenetz  via 
E  ensenhatz  la  nos; 

Mas  qui  ben  guia 
N'aura  bos  gazardos. 
Res  no  vey  que  us  laissatz, . .  . 
Sofretz  greu  malanansa 
E  vistetz  ses  coinhdansa; 
Mielhs  valha  Dieus  a  nos 
Qu'ieu  no  die  ver  de  vos. 

Si  quo'l  salvatges 
Per  lag  temps  mov  son  chan, 

Es  mos  coratges 
Qu'ieu  chante  derenan. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  191) 22 

22  With  great  sorrow  I  make  this  sirventes;  God,  who  can  say  or  know 
my  torment,  for  whenever  I  reflect,  I  am  in  deep  grief?  I  can  not  write 
my  wrath  and  vexation.  I  see  this  world  confounded,  and  law,  sacrament 
and  faith  destroyed,  for  each  man  is  ever  thinking  how  to  overcome  his 
fellow  by  malevolence,  and  men  slay  one  another  without  reason  or  right. 
Every  day  I  lament,  and  I  have  cause  for  lamentation;  at  night  I  sigh, 
waking  and  sleeping;    whenever  I  turn,  I  hear  the  complaisant  people 


98       THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH    LITERATURE 

Akin  to  the  Provencal  poets  by  his  love  for  the  gay  life  of  the 
feudal  castle,  by  his  abhorrence  of  asceticism  and  by  his  de- 
nunciation of  Roman  cupidity  was  the  poet  of  northern  France, 
Guiot  de  Provins.  Indeed,  in  the  many  Sittings  from  court  to 
court  of  his  earlier  days,  Guiot  had  found  inspiration  in  Provence. 

A  Aries  oi  conteir  mout  gent 
Lor  vie  en  l'eglise  Saint  Trophe. 

(Bible  Guiot,  70)  M 

The  Bible,  written  after  his  return  from  the  Third  Crusade  and 
his  entrance  upon  the  monastic  life  about  1194,  expresses  his 
discontent  with  the  dull  world  of  his  later  days  and  most  of  all 
with  the  Church  to  which  he  had  just  pledged  his  allegiance. 
He  is  particularly  incensed  that  revenues  collected  in  France 
should  not  be  expended  in  relieving  the  needs  of  that  country, 
but  be  divided  among  the  venal  priests  of  Rome. 

Quant  li  peire  ocist  ses  enfans 

Grant  pechi6  fait.     Ha  Rome,  Rome,  .  .  . 

Vos  nos  ociez  chescun  jor.  .  .  . 

Tout  est  alei  tout  est  perdu 

Quant  li  chardenal  sont  venu.  .  .  . 

Sa  viennent  plain  de  simonie 

Et  comble  de  malvaise  vie, 

Sa  viennent  sens  nulle  raison, 

Sans  foi,  et  sens  religion, 

Car  il  vendent  Deu  et  sa  meire 

Et  traissent  nos  et  lor  peire.  .  .  . 

crying,  "Sire!"  humbly  to  the  Frenchman.  .  .  .  Alas!  Toulouse  and 
Provence  and  the  land  of  Agenais!  Beziers  and  Carcassonne!  what  you 
were!  what  you  are!  Clergy  of  France,  great  good  should  be  said  of  you, 
and  if  I  could,  I  would  say  twice  as  much.  Hold  the  right  way  and  teach 
it  to  us.  He  who  guides  well,  will  win  high  reward  for  his  service.  But 
I  do  not  see  that  you  leave  anything  [to  us].  .  .  .  You  suffer  evildoing 
and  you  live  without  restraint.  May  God  be  kinder  to  us,  for  I  see  no 
kindness  in  you.  The  woodbird  raises  its  song  even  in  ill  weather;  such 
is  my  heart,  for  I  sing  straight  on. 

23  At  Aries  I  heard  many  persons  relating  the  life  [of  the  sages]  in  the 
church  of  Saint  Trophimus. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  99 

Que  font  de  Tor  et  de  l'argent 

Qu'il  enportent  outre  les  mons? 

Chauciees,  hospitals  ne  pons 

N'an  font  il  pas,  ce  m'est  a  vis. 

Se  m'ait  Deus,  il  valent  pis 

Asseiz  que  ne  font  li  paien  ! 

Se  Papostoles  en  ait  rien? 

Ou,  j'o  dire  qu'il  i  ait  part: .  .  . 

L'avoir  enportent  li  legat 

Dont  tant  i  ait  guille  et  barat.  .  .  . 

Cors  de  Rome,  con  estes  toute 

Plainne  de  pechiez  criminals  ! 

Puez  que  l'apostoles  ne  voit 

Et  il  ne  fait  ceu  que  il  doit, 

Cheoir  devons  et  acorper  .... 

Nostre  peires  nos  ait  osteiz 

De  droite  voie  et  de  droite  euvre;  .  .  . 

Li  due,  li  conte  et  li  roi 

S'en  devroient  molt  consillier.  .  .  . 

Rome  trait  et  destruit  tout, 

Rome  e'est  les  doiz  de  malice 

Dont  sordent  tuit  li  malvais  vice.  .  .  . 

Je  di  que  ce  seroit  raisons 

Con  destrusce  la  covoitise 

Qui  en  Rome  s'est  toute  mise, 

Et  l'orguel,  et  la  felonie. 

(Bible  Guiot,  660-780)  M 

24  When  the  father  slays  his  children,  he  commits  great  sin.  Ah,  Rome, 
Rome,  you  slay  us  every  day.  All  is  gone,  all  is  lost,  when  the  cardinals 
arrive.  They  come  guilty  of  simony  [Fr.  full  of],  guilty  of  evil  living; 
they  come  without  reason,  without  faith,  and  without  religion,  for  they 
sell  God  and  his  mother,  and  they  betray  us  and  their  father.  What  do 
they  with  the  gold  and  silver  which  they  carry  away  beyond  the  mountains? 
They  do  not  build  roads,  hospitals  and  bridges  with  it,  of  that  I  am  sure. 
So  aid  me  God,  they  are  far  worse  than  are  the  pagans!  Has  the  pope 
any  share  of  it?  Yes,  I  have  heard  it  said  that  he  has  his  part  of  it.  The 
legates,  in  whose  hearts  is  such  guile  and  deceit,  bear  off  our  property. 
Court  of  Rome,  how  full  you  are  of  mortal  sins!  Since  the  pope  sees  noth- 
ing and  does  not  do  what  he  should,  we  must  fall  and  stumble.  Our  father 
has  kept  us  from  the  right  road  and  from  the  right  work.     The  dukes,  the 


100      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

The  author  of  Carite  and  Miserere,  a  hermit  who  styled  him- 
self "li  Renclus  de  Moiliens,"  was  fearless  in  denouncing 
wrong-doing  by  the  clergy.  As  the  works  of  the  Hermit  were 
among  the  most  popular  of  their  class  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
thirty  manuscripts  being  extant  even  now,  one  must  infer  that 
the  author's  arraignment  of  the  Church  found  many  responsive 
readers,  men  competent  and  accustomed  to  judge  for  them- 
selves. The  framework  of  his  satire  is  a  pilgrimage  undertaken 
in  the  hope  of  finding  sweet  Charity.  Naturally  the  pilgrim- 
poet  repairs  first  to  Rome.  There  disappointment  awaits  him. 
The  pope  may  be  beyond  reproach,  but  he  allows  himself  to  be 
surrounded  by  evil  advisers. 

From  many  stanzas  of  denunciation  these  verses  have  been 
selected  to  show  the  writer's  independent  attitude. 

Premierement  a  Rome  fui. 

Toi  cuidai  en  chel  haut  refui 

Trover  o  le  pape  romain, 

Ki  tout  le  monde  a  en  sa  main; 

Je  te  cuidai  bien  en  son  sain 

Trover  mius  ke  en  sain  d'autrui, 

Si  com  el  pere  soverain, 

Cui  on  doit  trover  primerain 

En  bien,  et  prendre  essemple  a  lui. 

0  Carit^s,  la  me  dist  on 
Ke  tu  jadis  en  le  maison 
Le  pape  estoies  consilliere; 
Dont  ala  le  cours  par  raison. 
Mais  tu  n'i  fus  k'une  saison, 
Car  on  te  mist  a  le  foriere 
Par  conseil  d'une  pautoniere: 

counts  and  the  kings  ought  to  take  much  counsel  together  about  the 
matter.  -Rome  betrays  and  destroys  everything;  Rome  is  the  fount  of 
malice  from  which  gush  forth  all  deadly  evils.  I  declare  that  it  would  be 
right  for  us  to  destroy  the  covetousness  and  the  pride  and  the  felony, 
which  have  established  themselves  at  Rome. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE   CHURCH  101 

Ch'est  covoitise,  le  boursiere, 
Ki  ne  redoute  traison 
Faire,  tant  a  pecune  kiere. 
Faus  cuers  tapist  sous  bele  kiere, 
Quant  on  li  fait  d'argent  poison. 

Je  n'oi  pas  se  grant  bien  non 
Dire  de  le  pape  par  non.  .  .  . 
Mais  chil  ki  li  sont  environ 
Font  sovent  blasmer  se  persone; 
Tieus  maisnie  entor  lui  fuisone 
Dont  male  novele  resone.  .  .  . 

Ne  puet  povres  en  court  entrer.  .  .  . 
Horn  vuis  ne  puet  le  porte  outrer; .  . 

Quant  je  me  fui  mis  el  retour 
De  le  grant  court,  je  fis  un  tour 
La  ou  mainent  li  cardonal; 
Mais  tous  les  trovai  d'un  atour. 
Cha  et  la  tuit  sont  mercatour. . .  . 

Le  lois  se  taist  quant  ore  murmure; 
Drois  se  tapist  a  son  d'argent.  .  .  . 

Romains  a  le  langue  legiere. 

Quant  ele  est  ointe,  est  bien  parliere, 

Et  a  langue  desointe  est  mus; 

Et  ki  bien  li  oint  se  carniere, 

Entre  ens;  se  non,  voist  s'ent  arriere  ! 

Li  povres  s'en  reva  confus, 

Li  rikes  entre  ens  sans  refus. 

Bien  ses  tu  ki  a  Rome  fus 

Coment  tel  ointure  i  est  kiere. 

(Romans  de  Carite,  st.  7-19) 26 

26  First  I  went  to  Rome,  for  I  thought  to  find  thee  [Charity]  in  that 
august  abode  with  the  Roman  pope,  who  has  the  whole  world  under  his 
sway;  I  thought  surely  I  should  find  thee  in  his  heart  rather  than  in  the 
heart  of  any  other,  since  he  is  the  sovereign  father,  who  should  be  foremost 
in  holiness,  an  example  for  others.  O  Charity,  there  I  was  told  that  long 
ago  thou  wast  counselor  in  the  house  of  the  pope.     Then  the  court  was 


102      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

The  Hermit  seeks  Charity  next  among  the  ministers  of  the 
Church,  but  in  vain.  Stanzas  51  through  102  contain  a  sharp 
rebuke  to  the  priesthood. 

Prestre,  dont  n'est  chou  grans  merveille, 
Quant  tu  dors  et  li  lais  horn  veille? 
Quel  merveille  est,  se  merveille  ai 
De  fol  pastour,  de  sage  oeille? 
Chele  est  nete,  chil  se  soeille, 
Chele  est  ou  pre  et  chil  ou  tai. 

(Romans  de  Carite,  st.  71) 26 

Commenting  on  the  fanon,  which  represents  the  handker- 
chief with  which  the  harvester  wipes  his  face,  the  Hermit  ad- 
ministers a  bold  rebuke. 

Prestre,  quant  le  fanon  presis, 
Messoneour  de  toi  fesis; 
Dusk'au  suer  en  laborant 
En  le  mes  de  Diu  te  mesis. 
Fai  dont  che  ke  tu  promesis; .  .  . 

governed  by  reason;  but  thou  wast  there  only  for  a  season,  for  thou  wast 
driven  out  by  the  advice  of  a  good-for-nothing,  Covetousness,  the  steward 
there,  who  hesitates  at  no  treachery,  so  well  she  loves  money.  A  false 
heart  hides  under  a  fair  countenance,  when  she  is  offered  a  money  potion. 
I  heard  naught  but  good  said  of  the  pope  himself,  .  .  .  but  those  who 
are  about  him  often  bring  blame  upon  him ;  round  him  swarms  a  company 
whose  ill  repute  echoes  far.  No  poor  man  can  enter  the  papal  court;  no 
one  passes  that  door  empty-handed.  .  .  .  When  I  had  returned  from  the 
papal  court,  I  directed  my  steps  where  the  cardinals  dwell;  but  I  found 
them  all  of  one  kind,  and  everywhere  mercenary.  .  .  .  Law  is  silent  when 
gold  whispers;  justice  retires  before  the  clink  of  silver.  .  .  .  The  Roman 
has  a  ready  tongue;  when  it  is  oiled,  it  speaks  glibly;  but  with  tongue 
unlubricated  he  is  mute.  And  whoever  oils  the  hinges  of  his  door,  enters 
within;  otherwise,  he  is  turned  away.  The  poor  man  retires  in  confusion, 
the  rich  is  never  refused  entrance.  You  who  have  been  at  Rome  know 
well  how  costly  such  ointment  is. 

M  Priest,  is  it  not  a  great  wonder  that  you  sleep  and  the  layman  wakes? 
What  wonder  is  it  if  I  wonder  at  the  foolish  pastor  and  the  wise  flock? 
These  are  clean,  he  is  defiled;  they  are  in  the  meadow,  and  he  in  the  mud. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  103 

Prestre,  jou  ai  mout  veii  ans, 
Ne  vi  dous  prestres  sane  suans. 
Por  coi  remaint  ke  sane  ne  suent? 
Por  coi?     Coveitise  puans 
A  fait  tous  les  prestres  truans; 
En  messonant  deniers  tressuent.  .  .  . 

Peu  voi  pastours,  mout  mercheniers, 
Car,  ausi  com  li  taverniers 
N'a  cure  fors  de  riens  venaus 
Dont  on  voelle  doner  deniers, 
Tant  voi  de  laitiers,  de  laniers.  .  .  . 
Tant  monte  mestiers  merchenaus 
Months  est  as  plus  personaus 
De  ches  grans  ab£s  crocheniers 
Et  des  mitres  episcopaus. 

(Romans  de  C write,  st.  81,  86,  126) 27 

The  monks  are  selected  grain,  yet  luxury  has  invaded  the 
monasteries.  The  spirit  of  Saint  Francis  and  of  Saint  Dominic 
has  been  quite  forgotten. 

Li  viel  moine  .  .  . 

Se  soloient  es  bos  logier 

Et  haire  et  lange  a  gros  pelain  .  .  . 

Vestir.  .  .  . 

Li  nuef  de  lor  dos  enlangier 

N'ont  cure,  mais  bien  enlingier 

Se  sevent  come  castelain. 


27  Priest,  when  you  took  the  fanon,  you  made  a  harvester  of  yourself; 
you  bound  yourself  to  the  sweat  of  labor  in  the  harvest  of  God.  Do  then 
what  you  promised.  .  .  .  Priest,  I  have  seen  many  years,  and  I  have 
never  seen  two  priests  sweating  blood.  How  does  it  happen  that  they  do 
not  sweat  blood?  How?  Foul  covetousness  has  made  all  priests  recreants. 
They  sweat  at  garnering  in  money.  ...  I  see  few  shepherds,  many  mar- 
ket-men; for,  just  as  the  tavern-keeper  cares  only  for  vendible  goods 
for  which  men  will  give  money,  so  these  "shepherds"  make  profit  of 
their  flock.  Venality  has  mounted  so  high  that  it  has  reached  the 
greatest  among  those  august  abbots  with  the  crozier  and  the  episcopal 
mitre. 


104      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Li  viel  un  asne  a  grant  dangier 
Paissoient  por  coust  de  mangier; 
Mais  li  nuef  paissent  eras  polain. 

(Romans  de  Carite,  st.  147)  28 

In  the  Miserere  the  tone  is  even  bolder  and  more  pessimistic. 
The  Hermit  has  given  up  the  search  for  Charity  and  merely 
bewails  the  evil  of  the  times. 

Mesdis  amonte  a  grant  espioit. 
N'est  gens  ki  a  lui  ne  s'aploit. 
Nis  li  moine  Font  enclostre\ 
Chistiaus  et  Clugnis  le  rechoit, 
Et  vest  l'abit  Saint  Beneoit.  .  .  . 
Mesdis  a  hanap  d'abe"  boit; .  .  . 
Je  dout  ke  eveskes  ne  soit. 

Li  moine  as  millours  mes  s'amordent 
Et  es  millours  morsiaus  mieus  mordent, 
Et  si  boivent  bien  et  sovent. 
De  lor  veu  petit  se  recordent. 

(Miserere,  st.  119,  142) 29 

In  the  Quatre  tenz  d'aage  d'ome  we  get  the  view  of  a  man  of 
the  world.  Philippe  de  Novare  maintains  for  the  most  part  a 
discreet  silence  concerning  the  clergy,  but  he  does  not  assign 
them  that  prominent  place  in  the  education  of  children,  or  in 
the  direction  of  public  affairs,  which  they  claimed  as  rightfully 

28  The  old  monks  .  .  .  were  wont  to  dwell  in  the  woods  and  to  clothe 
themselves  in  haircloth  and  shaggy  wool.  .  .  .  The  new  monks  have  no 
liking  for  wearing  wool  on  their  backs,  but  go  fine  in  linen  like  chatelains. 
The  old  monks  would  hardly  keep  an  ass  because  of  the  cost  of  feeding  it; 
the  new  keep  sleek  steeds. 

29  Slander  thrives  marvelously.  There  is  no  one  who  does  not  bend 
to  her.  Even  the  monks  have  welcomed  her  to  the  cloister:  Citeaux  and 
Cluny  receive  her,  and  she  wears  the  habit  of  Saint  Benedict.  All  the 
Orders  are  hers;  Slander  drinks  from  the  cup  of  an  abbot;  ...  I  suspect 
that  she  will  become  a  bishop.  The  monks  love  the  best  dishes,  and  they 
prefer  the  choicest  bits,  and  they  drink  deeply  and  often.  Of  their  vows 
they  think  seldom. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  CHURCH  105 

theirs.  Towards  the  close  of  his  book,  Philippe  divides  men 
into  three  classes,  to  each  of  which  he  assigns  a  different  kind 
of  pay.  The  classes  are  "les  f ranches  genz  aimable  et  debo- 
naires,  les  gens  de  mestier,  li  vilain."  The  clergy  are  put  in 
the  second  division,  that  of  the  gens  de  mestier,  and  their 
reward  is  of  a  pecuniary  nature. 

En  eels  dou  loier  de  don  a  trop  a  dire;  car  tout  premiers 
cil  de  Sainte  Eglise  le  veulent  a  la  vie  et  a  la  mort,  et  apres 
la  mort  ont  loier  et  aumosnes  por  chanter  messes  de  requiem 
por  les  ames  qui  sont  en  purgatoire  [adding  in  more  orthodox 
fashion]  et  ce  est  li  miaus  amploiez  loiers. 

(Quatre  tenz,  U  216) 30 

That  extraordinary  production,  the  Lamenta  of  Matheolus, 
has  its  sneer  for  the  faults  of  the  sacerdotal  order. 

Si  me  merveil  que  cuident  faire 
Ceulx  qui  sont  pour  nostre  exemplaire 
Mis  et  poses  a  honneur  haulte. 
On  voit  en  eulx  plus  grant  deffaulte 
Qu'en  nous,  et  font  plus  a  reprendre, 
Les  pastours  ne  veulent  entendre 
Au  fouc  garder  que  Dieu  leur  bailie; 
II  ne  leur  chaut  comment  il  aille; 
Trop  bien  se  scevent  esforcier 
Des  berbis  tondre  et  escorchier. 
Par  mon  tesmoing  un  tel  pastour 
Vault  pis  que  leu  ne  que  castour. 
L'evesque  tout  ravist  et  pille.  .  .  . 
Chascun  laisse  son  fouc  sans  garde, 
Et  s'en  vont  qui  bien  y  regarde, 
Avec  les  roys,  pompeusement, 
Pour  vivre  plus  joyeusement, 


30  Concerning  those  whose  recompense  is  money  there  is  much  to  say; 
for  first  of  all  the  clergy  demand  money  while  men  are  living  and  when 
they  are  dying,  and  even  after  men  are  dead,  the  clergy  have  money  and 
alms  for  singing  requiem  masses  for  the  souls  in  Purgatory  .  .  .  and  that 
is  the  best  spent  money. 


106      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Les  besongnes  royaulx  procurent, 

Les  playes  du  peuple  ne  curent .  .  . 

Les  biens  du  crucefix  degastent. 

II  sont  larrons  apertement, 

S'oultre  leur  vivre  et  vestement 

Nuls  des  biens  aux  povres  detiennent.  .  .  . 

Par  symonie  et  sous  ses  eles 

Vendent  choses  spiritueles. 

N'est  pas  raison  que  on  les  vende; 

Car  tout  pour  noyant  la  prouvende 

Doit  estre  donnee  au  preudhomme. 

Le  contraire  est  en  court  de  Rome. 

Fraude  y  est  par  tout  entendue; .  .  . 

Symon  vit  et  mort  est  Saint  Pierre; 

On  ne  fonde  rien  sus  sa  pierre.  .  . . 

Merveille  ay  des  religieus. 

Plus  que  nous  sont  delicieus, 

Plus  despendent  tels  damoiseaux 

En  chevaux,  en  chiens,  en  oiseaux,  .  . . 

En  vins  et  en  viandes  gloutes.  .  .  . 

Leur  aucteur  met  condicion 

Que  nuls  d'eulx,  par  ambicion 

N'ait  propre. . . . 

Or  en  est  chascun  coustumier 

D 'avoir  propre.  .  .  . 

Si  ne  leur  doit  on  rien  donner, 

Pour  j  angler  ne  pour  sermonner; 

Car  on  pert  tout  quanqu'  on  leur  donne. 

(Lamenta,  iv,  283-429)  31 

31  I  wonder  at  the  deeds  of  the  clergy  who  are  set  over  us  for  an  example 
and  raised  to  high  honor.  We  see  greater  faults  in  them  than  in  us,  and 
they  are  more  blameworthy.  The  priests  take  no  pains  to  keep  the  flock 
that  God  gives  them;  they  care  not  how  it  fares;  too  well  they  know  how 
to  shear  and  fleece  the  sheep.  In  my  opinion  such  priests  are  worse  than 
wolves  or  beavers.  The  bishop  extorts  and  bears  away  everything.  .  .  . 
Each  leaves  his  flock  without  guard,  and  goes  away,  if  you  will  notice, 
with  the  king  in  pomp.  To  live  more  luxuriously  they  obtain  posts  at 
the  court.  They  take  no  thought  for  the  sufferings  of  the  poor.  .  .  . 
They  waste  the  revenues  of  the  crucifix.     They  are  out-and-out  robbers 


PROTEST   AGAINST  THE    CHURCH  107 

In  the  first  part  of  Fauvel,  dated  by  the  author  1310,  we  get 
the  view  of  an  ultra-clerical.  Opposed  as  he  was,  however,  to 
usurpations  of  ecclesiastical  prerogatives,  he  did  not  remit  for 
that  the  scourging  of  sin  in  high  places.  Clement  V  was  then 
on  most  amicable  terms  with  Philip  IV  to  whom  he  owed  his 
elevation,  but  Gervais  (if  he  be  indeed  the  author  of  Fauvel) 
did  not  shrink  from  confronting  the  combination  of  pope, 
bishops  and  king. 

Puis  en  consistore  publique 
S'en  va  Fauvel,  beste  autentique, 
Et  quant  li  pape  voit  teil  beste 
Sachiez  qu'il  fet  trop  grant  feste.  . . . 
Par  le  frain  doucement  le  prent. 
De  torchier  nuli  ne  reprent 
Et  puis  frote  a  Fauvel  la  teste 
En  disant:  "Ci  a  bele  beste." 
Li  cardineaus  dient  pour  plere: 
"  Vous  dites  voir,  sire  Saint  Pere." 

{Fauvel,  fol.  I)  » 


if  they  exact  anything  from  the  poor  except  sufficient  to  provide  them 
with  food  and  clothing.  .  .  .  Through  simony  and  under  pretence  of 
religion  they  sell  spiritual  offices.  It  is  not  right  to  sell  them,  for  prebends 
should  be  conferred  upon  the  worthy  without  cost.  The  opposite  custom 
prevails  at  the  court  of  Rome.  Corruption,  by  all  reports,  is  rife  there. 
.  .  .  Simon  lives  and  Saint  Peter  is  dead;  nothing  is  built  on  his  rock 
["pierre"].  ...  I  marvel  at  the  monks.  They  are  daintier  than  we; 
these  young  gentlemen  spend  more  than  we  on  horses,  on  dogs,  on  falcons, 
...  on  wine  and  on  choice  dishes.  .  .  .  Their  founder  imposed  the  re- 
striction that  none  of  them,  through  ambition,  should  have  property  of 
his  own.  .  .  .  Now  each  is  accustoned  to  possess  private  property.  .  .  . 
We  ought  then  to  give  them  nothing  for  haranguing  and  discoursing;  for 
we  lose  whatever  we  give  them. 

32  Then  Fauvel,  the  famous  beast,  comes  into  the  public  consistory,  and 
when  the  pope  sees  such  a  beast,  rest  assured  that  he  makes  a  great  ado. 
...  He  takes  him  gently  by  the  rein,  he  reproves  no  one  for  stroking  him, 
and  he  rubs  Fauvel's  head,  saying:  "Pretty  beast!"  The  cardinals  say 
to  please  him:  "You  speak  the  truth,  holy  Fathe*r." 


108      THE    SPIRIT   OP   PROTEST   IN    OLD   FRENCH    LITERATURE 

The  Church  had  strayed  far  from  its  earlier  simplicity: 

Saint  Pere,  qui  papes  estoit, 

D'escallate  pas  ne  vestoit, 

Ne  ne  vivoit  d'exactions, 

Si  vivoit  de  sa  pescherie. . . . 

Mais  nostre  pape  d'orendroit 

Si  pesche  en  trop  meillour  endroit. 

II  a  une  roy  grant  et  forte 

Qui  des  flourins  d'or  li  aporte.  . .  . 

Le  pape,  pas  nel  celerai, 

Torche  Fauvel  devers  le  roi 

Pour  les  joiaus  qu'il  li  presente, 

Et  a  lui  plere  met  s'entente.  .  .  . 

Le  pape  n'i  met  pas  sa  chape 

Ne  du  clergie"  n'est  pas  tuteur, 

Mes  le  roy  fait  executeur 

Si  que,  par  la  laye  justice, 

Justisi6e  est  Sainte  Eglise.  .  . . 

Ainsi  le  pape  Fauvel  torche, 

Si  bel  que  le  clergie1  escorche, 

Et  si  n'i  met  la  main,  ce  semble, 

Mes  Sainte  Eglise  toute  en  tremble.  .  .  . 

Pastours  sont,  mes  c'est  pour  els  pestre. 

Huy  est  le  louf  des  brebis  mestre. 

Bien  lour  seivent  oster  la  laine 

Si  pres  de  la  pel  qu'ele  saine.  . .  . 

Las  !  comment  sont  mis  en  chaiere 

Jeunes  prelas  par  symonie 

Qui  poi  ont  apres  de  clergie. 

Eulz  ont  non  de  reverent  pere 

Et  enfans  sont.  .  .  . 

Par  eulz  est  souvent  porveii 

Le  roy  d'exactions  lever 

Sur  l'lglise  et  d'elle  grever. 

Par  les  prelas  qui  veulent  plere 

Au  roy  et  tout  son  plesir  fere 

Dechiet  au  jour  d'ui  Sainte  Eglise 

Son  honneur  pert  et  sa  franchise. 

(Fauvel,  fol.  6.) 


PROTEST  AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  109 

Sire  Diex,  quant  il  me  souvient 
D'aucuns  prestres  qui  sont  cureis 
Comment  il  sont  desmesureis 
Et  comment  il  mainent  vie  orde, . . . 
Trestout  le  cuer  m'en  espovente. . .  . 
Moult  se  painent  au  monde  plere  .  .  . 
De  tout  se  veulent  entremettre. .  . . 

(Fauvel,  fol.  6) 

Mort  sont  a  Dieu  et  vif  au  monde 

E  mourir  font  religion. 
Che  sont  cil  qui  au  siecle  vivent; 

Tous  jours  y  sont,  tous  i  arrivent. 
Rien  ne  heent  tant  com  le  cloistre,  .  .  . 

II  ont  religious  habit 
Mes  poi  est  de  bien  qui  habit 

Aujourdui  sous  froc  ne  sous  gonne. 

(Fauvel,  fol.  9)  M 

The  good  old  abbot  of  Tournai,  Gilles  li  Muisis,  attributes 
the  contempt  into  which  the  priesthood  had  fallen  to  their 
neglect  of  learning.    In  his  garrulous  way  he  makes  a  delight- 

33  Saint  Peter,  when  he  was  pope,  did  not  clothe  himself  in  scarlet,  nor 
did  he  live  upon  tithes;  he  supported  himself  by  fishing.  But  our  pope 
of  the  present  day  fishes  in  very  profitable  places.  He  has  a  net  great 
and  strong  that  brings  florins  of  gold  to  him.  The  pope  (I  will  not  conceal 
it)  strokes  Fauvel  before  the  king  for  the  trinkets  the  latter  gives  him, 
and  takes  care  to  please  him.  .  .  .  The  pope  is  no  longer  protector  or 
guardian  of  the  clergy,  but  he  admits  the  king  as  executor  so  that  the 
Church  is  judged  by  civil  law.  ...  So  the  pope  strokes  Fauvel  as  well  as 
the  clergy.  And  he  does  not  put  his  hand  upon  the  beast,  it  seems,  without 
holy  Church's  trembling.  .  .  .  Shepherds  they  [the  priests]  are,  but  to 
feed  themselves.  .  .  .  Today  the  wolf  is  master  of  the  sheep.  Well  these 
shepherds  know  how  to  take  the  wool  so  close  to  the  skin  that  the  sheep 
bleeds.  .  .  .  Alas!  through  simony  young  prelates  are  installed  who  have 
little  learning;  they  have  the  name  of  reverend  father  and  are  children. 
.  .  .  Through  them  the  king  has  often  been  able  to  levy  taxes  upon  the 
Church  and  to  vex  her.  Through  the  prelates  who  wish  to  please  the 
king  and  to  perform  his  pleasure,  holy  Church  today  is  falling,  and  losing 
her  honor  and  freedom.   .   .   .  Lord  God,  when  I  think  of  the  priests 


110      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

ful  picture  of  the  democratic  student  life  which,  as  a  lad,  he 
had  enjoyed  at  Paris. 

Les  6glises  adont  estoient  bien  servies, 
Car  de  vaillans  personnes  estoient  raemplies, 
Qui  toudis  en  aprendre  mettoient  estudies; 
Plus  pensoient  a  Dieu  k'avoir  les  signouries.  . .  . 

On  honneroit  partout  les  clers  et  leur  clergie, 
Et  cil  qui  plus  savoient,  ne  s'eslevoient  mie, 
Mais  toudis  Tuns  al  autre  tenoient  compagnie: 
Estude  maintenir,  il  n'est  si  boine  vie. 

S'estoi-che  bielle  cose  de  plenty  d'escoliers; 
II  manoient  ensanble  par  loges,  par  soliers, 
Enfans  de  riches  hommes  et  enfans  de  toiliers; .  . . 

De  Tournay  seulement  j'en  vie  siscante-saise 
Escoliers  a  Paris,  cescuns  bien  s'en  apaise, 
Car  toute  li  cyt6s  en  estoit  adont  aise.  .  .  . 

Clerc  vienent  as  estudes  de  toutes  nations 

Et  en  yvier  s'asanlent  par  pluseurs  legions; .  .  . 

En  estet  s'en  retraient  moult  en  leurs  regions. 

(Poesies,  i,  262-264)  M 

who  are  pastors,  how  proud  they  are,  what  base  lives  they  lead,  my 
heart  is  terrified.  They  strive  to  please  the  world,  and  they  desire  to 
have  part  in  every  business.  .  .  .  They  are  dead  to  God  and  alive  to  the 
world,  and  they  kill  religion,  for  they  lead  worldly  lives.  They  hate 
nothing  so  much  as  the  cloister;  they  wear  the  garb  of  religion,  but 
there  is  little  good  now  which  dwells  under  [clerical^  frock  or  robe. 

34  The  churches  then  were  well  served,  for  they  were  in  the  charge  of 
worthy  persons,  who  set  their  heart  always  on  learning;  they  thought 
more  of  God  than  of  getting  benefices.  .  .  .  The  clerics  and  their  learning 
were  everywhere  honored,  and  those  who  knew  more  did  not  hold  them- 
selves above  the  rest,  but  each  was  the  good  comrade  of  the  other;  to  be 
occupied  in  study,  no  life  is  so  pleasant.  How  beautiful  was  the  great 
number  of  students!  They  dwelt  together,  in  lodgings,  in  garrets,  children 
of  rich  men  and  children  of  weavers.  .  .  .  From  Tournay  alone  I  saw  at 
Paris  six  hundred  and  sixteen,  each  one  well  satisfied,  for  the  whole  city 


PROTEST   AGAINST   THE    CHURCH  111 

When  the  clergy  were  devoted  to  learning  and  the  preaching 
of  the  gospel,  they  were  welcome  guests  in  every  home.  But 
in  these  latter  days,  he  complains,  they  are  dreaded  visitors, 
since  they  employ  their  spiritual  authority  to  extort  money. 
In  every  way  they  seek  to  override  the  civil  power.  Charity 
has  departed  from  their  company. 

On  soloit  moult  amer  leur  visitations; 
Or  voelent  pau  de  gent  leur  frequentations, 
Car  il  sont  redoubtet  pour  les  confiessons; 
Ensi  vont  anullant  partout  devotions.  . .  . 

Que  feront  li  preudomme?     Morir  convient  ou  vivre.  .  .  . 

II  ne  sevent  fouir,  hauver,  batre,  vaner; .  .  . 

Mais  on  leur  dist  que  sevent  trop  bien  les  gens  taner. 

Demander  sevent  bien  et  iaus  humilyer, 

Car  il  n'ont  de  quoi  vivre,  si  leur  convient  pryer; 

Les  gens  par  biel  parler  sevent  enollyer; 

Par  force  leur  convient  donner  et  ottryer.  .  .  . 

A  prumiers  avoit  on  sur  iaus  petit  d'envie, 

Mais  pour  chou  que  leur  ord^nes  partout  si  mouteplie, 

On  doubte  qu'il  ne  montent  en  trop  grant  signourie. 

{Poesies,  i,  272-281) 
S'est  carit^s  en  pluseurs  refroidie; .  .  . 

Carites  se  repont,  yestre  ne  poet  trouvee; 
Avarisses  partout  s'apert  tieste  lev6e. 

{Potties,  ii,  148-149)  35 


was  then  proud  of  them.  .  .  .  Clerics  came  to  studies  from  all  nations, 
and  in  winter  they  flocked  together  in  many  bands;  ...  in  summer  they 
often  withdrew  to  their  own  countries. 

36  People  used  to  love  their  visits;  now  few  care  for  their  company, 
for  they  are  feared  because  of  their  abuse  of  the  confessional;  so  they 
destroy  the  spirit  of  devotion  wherever  they  go.  .  .  .  What  can  the  worthy 
men  do?     It  is  a  choice  of  living  or  dying.     They  do  not  know  how  to 


112      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Jean  de  Meung  was  no  less  ready  to  make  the  charges  that 
were  considered  bold  from  Luther.  The  Friars,  according  to 
the  French  scribe,  were  the  later  Pharisees;  they  were  wolves 
in  sheep's  clothing;  they  meddled  with  wills,  marriages,  com- 
pacts; they  levied  blackmail  on  sinners;  vowed  to  poverty, 
they  sought  only  their  own  ed,se. 

After  excluding  from  his  censure  truly  devout  monks,  Jean 
de  Meung  made  Faux-Semblant  say: 

Ge  mains  avec  les  orguilleus, 

Les  vezi6s,  les  arti  Ileus, 

Qui  mondaines  honors  convoitent, 

Et  les  grans  besoignes  exploitent, .  .  . 

Et  se  font  povre  et  si  se  vivent 

Des  bons  morciaus  d61icieus, 

Et  boivent  les  vins  pr6cieus; 

Et  la  povTete"  vont  preschant, 

Et  les  grans  richesces  peschant 

As  saynes  et  as  trainaus.  .  .  . 

La  robe  ne  fait  le  moine. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  11803-11824) 

Ge  puis  confesser  et  assoldre, .  . . 
Toutes  gens  ou  que  je  les  truisse; 
Ne  sai  prelat  nul  qui  ce  puisse, 
Fors  l'apostole  solement 
Qui  fist  cest  establissement 
Tout  en  la  faveur  de  nostre  ordre.  .  .  . 
Mes  ne  me  chaut  comment  qu'il  aille, 
J'ai  des  deniers,  j'ai  de  l'aumaille; 

dig,  hoe,  thresh  and  reap;  .  .  .  but  they  do  know,  so  it  is  said,  how  to 
annoy  people.  They  know  how  to  beg  and  to  degrade  themselves,  for 
they  have  no  means  to  live  upon,  so  they  must  beg;  they  know  how  to 
win  over  people  by  their  soft  speaking;  perforce  one  must  give  to  them 
and  accede  to  their  demands.  ...  At  first  they  excited  little  envy,  but 
because  their  order  is  increasing  everywhere  it  is  feared  that  they  may 
rise  to  too  great  power.  .  .  .  Charity  has  grown  cold  in  many;  .  .  .  Char- 
ity hides  herself,  she  cannot  be  found;  Avarice  shows  herself  everywhere 
with  head  carried  high. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  THE    CHURCH  113 

Tant  ai  fait,  tant  ai  sermonS, 
Tant  ai  pris,  tant  m'en  a  done" 
Tout  le  monde  par  sa  folie, 
Que  ge  maine  vie  jolie. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  11995-12012) 36 

Considering  the  unanimity  with  which  the  pretensions  and 
the  false  living  of  the  clergy  were  derided  by  the  moralists  of 
the  time,  one  might  be  surprised  that  the  Reformation  did  not 
begin  in  the  thirteenth  century,  instead  of  in  the  sixteenth, 
in  France  instead  of  in  Germany.  That  it  did  not  was,  perhaps, 
due  to  the  wise  policy  of  tolerance  which  seems  to  have  pre- 
vailed in  the  Church.  It  would  appear  that,  except  in  matters 
of  dogma,  liberty  of  speech  was  unchecked.  Not  even  a  Re- 
pressor of  Over-Much  Blaming  of  the  Clergy  opposed  the  cur- 
rent denunciation  of  evil.  The  worst  punishment  meted  out 
to  a  too  zealous  decrier  of  the  priesthood  was,  apparently, 
loss  of  ecclesiastical  preferment.  The  errors  of  churchmen 
could,  therefore,  be  rebuked  and  corrected  by  their  own  col- 
leagues. In  this  tolerance  lies  the  most  interesting  moral  and 
intellectual  aspect  of  the  period. 


The  strictures  of  the  most  gifted  poet  of  the  age,  Rutebeuf, 
and  the  most  influential  author,  Jean  de  Meung,  were  called 
forth  each  by  a  special  interest;  Rutebeuf,  writing  as  the 
champion  of  the  University  and  its  leader,  Guillaume  de  Saint- 
Amour,  against  the  encroachments  of  the  Dominican  Order; 

36  I  dwell  with  the  proud,  the  crafty  and  the  artful,  who  covet  worldly- 
honors,  and  take  advantage  of  the  necessitous,  .  .  .  and  profess  poverty, 
and  yet  live  upon  choice  dainties,  and  drink  rare  wines;  and  go  about 
preaching  poverty,  and  yet  fishing  after  great  riches  with  seines  and  nets. 
.  .  .  The  frock  does  not  make  the  monk.  ...  I  can  hear  confessions  and 
grant  absolution,  ...  to  all  persons  wherever  I  find  them;  I  know  no 
prelate  who  can  do  this  except  the  pope  alone  who  devised  this  regulation 
wholly  for  the  sake  of  our  order.  .  .  .  But  I  care  not  what  happens;  I 
have  money,  I  have  flocks;  I  have  done  so  much,  I  have  preached  so  much, 
I  have  taken  so  much,  everybody  has  given  me  so  much  through  folly, 
that  I  lead  a  very  pleasant  life. 


114      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Jean  de  Meung,  in  part  as  the  friend  of  the  University,  but 
figuring  mainly  as  the  opponent  of  asceticism.  The  attitude 
of  Rutebeuf  is  examined  in  the  following  chapter.  There,  too, 
may  be  found  the  passages  in  the  Romance  of  the  Rose,  defend- 
ing Guillaume.  Those  who  remain  unconvinced  that  the  thir- 
teenth century  was  an  age  in  which  authoritarianism  was 
rudely  assailed  may  read  in  Chapter  V  Jean  de  Meung's 
protests  against  clerical  ideals. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   DEFENCE    OF   GUILLAUME   DE    SAINT-AMOUR 

The  most  interesting  chapter  in  the  history  of  spiritual 
emancipation  during  the  period  here  considered  is  the  dispute 
between  the  University  of  Paris  and  the  Dominicans,  which 
culminated  in  the  exile  of  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour  (1256). 
A  Latin  account  of  the  episode  is  furnished  by  Matthew  Paris. 
Among  the  poets  Rutebeuf  gives  a  circumstantial  and  passion- 
ate presentment,  corroborated  by  Jean  de  Meung  and  lesser 
bards.  The  controversy  is,  therefore,  noteworthy  because  it 
concerned  one  of  the  noblest  scholars  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
and  because  it  inspired  the  truest  poet  of  the  age. 

Rutebeuf  was  a  devout  son  of  the  Church :  he  had  composed 
two  saints'  lives,  a  miracle  play  and  several  hymns  to  the 
Virgin,  remarkable  for  their  sweetness  and  fervor.  Yet  when 
he  dealt  with  the  religious  orders,  his  censure  was  relentless. 

To  understand  the  acrimony  of  so  sweet  and  devout  a  nature 
as  Rutebeuf s,  it  is  necessary  to  review  the  circumstances 
leading  up  to  the  trouble  between  the  University  and  the 
Dominican  Order.  The  ecclesiastical  disputes  which  interested 
Rutebeuf  were  of  two  kinds :  there  was  the  contention  between 
the  University  of  Paris  and  the  Dominicans  concerning  the 
alleged  usurpation  of  University  privileges  by  the  Order.  In 
this  dispute  the  leader  of  the  University  party  was  Guillaume  de 
Saint-Amour,  in  whose  defence  Rutebeuf  wrote  several  poems. 
There  was  also  the  question  of  the  pope's  authority  over  French 
churches.  Was  he  supreme  merely  in  spiritual  matters?  Was 
he  fiscal  head  as  well,  to  levy  taxes  upon  the  congregations  for 
whatever  purpose  seemed  to  him  needful,  and  to  expend  the 
revenues  thus  acquired  as  he  would?  *    It  was  this  latter  claim 


116      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

that  loomed  larger  before  the  eyes  of  French  kings  and  clerics, 
particularly  later  in  the  times  of  Philip  the  Fair.  But  in  their 
contention  they  were  glad  of  the  support  of  the  scholars,  and 
the  latter  were  not  averse  to  aiding  the  anti-Roman  party  by 
dealing  telling  blows  against  the  common  adversary.  So  in 
Rutebeuf's  writings  the  two  questions  are  much  involved  one 
with  the  other. 

The  controversy  between  the  University  of  Paris  and  the 
Dominican  Order  owed  its  remote  origin  to  a  quarrel  between 
the  University  and  the  city  of  Paris.  As  usual  in  medieval 
university  towns,  there  was  in  Paris  a  certain  animosity  be- 
tween the  students  and  the  citizens  ("town  and  gown.") 
Sometimes  the  police  were  too  officious,  sometimes  the  fault 
lay  with  the  students.  In  1228,  however,  the  conflict  between 
the  city  government  and  the  University  led  to  greater  issues 
than  the  maintenance  of  peace.  In  that  year  certain  students 
were  slain  by  the  watch.  When  the  protest  of  the  University 
was  ignored,  the  institution  closed  its  doors,  transferring  part 
of  its  classes  to  Rheims  and  part  to  Angers  (1229).  This  was  a 
golden  opportunity  for  the  Dominicans,  eager  for  intellectual 
control,  to  gain  students,  by  taking  advantage  of  the  Univer- 
sity's necessity,  an  act  considered  the  more  ungracious  as,  on 
the  advent  of  the  Order  in  Paris,  the  University  had  given  it 
a  house.  The  Dominicans,  by  favor  of  the  Bishop  of  Paris 
and  the  Chancellor,  established  a  ch&ir  of  theology.  This 
unfriendliness  was  never  forgotten  by  the  University.  Twenty- 
five  years  later  Rutebeuf  compared  the  Order  to  the  ungrate- 
ful camel  in  the  fable: 

Quar  tel  herberge  on  en  la  chambre, 
Qui  le  seignor  gete  du  cas. 

(Descorde  de  V  Universitei  et  des  Jacobins,  39)  ' 

Even  after  the  return  of  the  secular  professors,  the  Domini- 
cans succeeded,  against  their  strong  opposition,  in  creating  a 


1  For  one  may  shelter  in  one's  room  an  occupant  that  may  drive  out 
the  owner. 


THE   DEFENCE    OF   GUILLAUME   DE    SAINT-AMOUR  117 

chair  of  theology.  But  the  University  steadily  refused  to  recog- 
nize these  new  professorships  as  of  equal  standing  with  its  own, 
and  its  contemptuous  attitude  towards  the  new  creations 
rankled  in  the  minds  of  the  Dominicans. 

In  1250  a  fresh  dispute  between  the  University  and  the  City 
brought  on  an  open  quarrel  of  the  University  and  the  Order. 
To  protect  its  students,  the  University  had  again  threatened 
to  suspend  its  teaching,  and  had  asked  the  Order  to  act  with 
it.  The  Dominicans  had  replied  that  the  matter  could  concern 
them  only  if  their  instructors  were  raised  to  the  dignity  of 
University  doctors.  The  University,  exasperated,  decreed  that 
no  man  should  be  a  teacher  who  did  not  promise  to  obey  its 
rulings.  The  Dominicans  promptly  joined  issue,  appealing 
both  to  the  Regent,  the  Comte  de  Poitiers,  and  to  the  Pope, 
Innocent  IV.  The  latter  supported  the  appeal  as  against  the 
University,  but  when  a  little  later  the  dispute  merged  into  a 
question  of  usurpation  by  the  Dominicans  of  the  rights  of  the 
parish  priests,  Innocent  IV  issued  a  brief  ordering  the  monks 
to  return  to  their  rule.  As  Innocent  IV  died  soon  after,  a 
Dominican  historian  exultantly  ascribed  his  decease  to  the 
"marvelous  litanies"  of  the  monks.  His  successor,  Alexander 
IV,  was  a  stronger  partisan,  issuing  no  fewer  than  forty  bulls 
in  favor  of  the  Order. 

The  University  bore  itself  resolutely.  At  its  head  was  a 
man  of  intrepid  courage,  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour.  In  addi- 
tion to  his  native  firmness,  Guillaume  seems  to  have  been 
endowed  with  remarkable  eloquence.  When  brought  before 
the  bishop  of  Macon,  the  skill  of  his  presentation  won  him 
acquittal.  He  was  then  summoned  before  the  papal  legate, 
who  referred  the  case  to  the  King  and  the  bishop  of  Paris. 
Undaunted,  Guillaume  appeared  before  this  august  committee, 
attended  by  four  thousand  clerics.  As  his  accusers  did  not 
likewise  appear,  the  charge  was  dismissed. 

The  University  itself  next  preferred  charges  against  the 
Dominicans,  warning  Alexander  IV  that  its  members  would 
prefer  to  move  to  another  kingdom  rather  than  to  continue 


118      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

forced  association  with  the  monks.  Their  protest  only  made 
Alexander  more  obstinate.  His  answer  was  three  more  strin- 
gent bulls,  bulls  so  severe  that  Louis  IX  intervened  to  effect  a 
compromise.  It  was  agreed  that  the  Dominicans  should  leave 
the  University  with  the  exception  of  two  doctors,  and  that  the 
chairs  of  these  two  should  be  made  perpetual. 

The  rancor  of  the  disputants  was  fomented  by  the  appear- 
ance of  a  tract  written  by  a  Franciscan,  Gerard  of  San-Donnino, 
but  edited  by  and  commonly  attributed  to  John  of  Parma. 
The  Dominican  book  was  called  Evangelium  ceternum  and  set 
forth  the  teaching  that  there  are  three  dispensations;  that 
of  the  Father,  in  Old  Testament  times;  that  of  the  Son, 
in  New  Testament  days;  that  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  under  the 
supremacy  of  the  Mendicant  Orders.  The  book  was  denounced 
as  blasphemous  by  the  University  party.  Guillaume  and  other 
scholars  prepared  a  compilation  of  scriptural  passages,  telling 
the  perils  of  the  last  days  of  the  world,  the  reign  of  Antichrist. 
The  book,  De  Periculis  novissimorum  temporum  (1256),  had  a 
great  effect,  according  to  Matthew  Paris.  The  people,  he 
wrote,  began  to  ridicule  the  Mendicant  Orders,  they  refused  the 
alms  they  had  given  before;  they  called  the  monks  hypocrites, 
successors  of  Antichrist,  false  prophets,  flattering  counsellors 
of  kings  and  princes,  despisers  and  subverters  of  ordinances, 
prevaricators,  abusing  the  confessional.* 

The  king  sent  two  monks  to  Rome  with  a  copy  of  the  Uni- 
versity's tract,  De  Periculis;  the  scholars  deputed  four  of  their 
number  to  lay  the  Evangelium  ceternum  before  the  pope. 
Alexander  condemned  both  books,  but  ordered  the  De  Peri- 
culis to  be  burnt  (1256). 

The  University  held  firm.  It  would  neither  take  back  its 
teachings,  as  expressed  in  the  De  Periculis,  nor  promise  to  keep 
silence  concerning  the  Dominicans.  The  pope  sent  word  to  all 
prelates  that  preferment  would  depend  upon  submission,  and 
bade  the  king  "break  the  heads  of  the  insolent  ones"  (ut 
insolentiorum  cervicosa  pervicacia  confringatur) . 

Four  of  the  envoys,  hearing  of  the  pope's  action,  turned  back, 


THE   DEFENCE    OF   GUILLAUME   DE    SAINT-AMOUR  119 

but  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour  went  on  unterrified  and  de- 
manded a  hearing.  The  pope  gave  him  for  judges  four  cardi- 
nals who  had  recommended  the  condemnation  of  his  book. 
Guillaume  won  them  over  by  his  skill  and  was  acquitted.  This 
was  his  fourth  triumphant  vindication.  His  adversaries  re- 
sorted to  other  methods.  He  was  sentenced  to  perpetual 
exile  by  the  pope,  and  forbidden  to  preach  anywhere  (1256). 
The  whole  University  was  put  under  anathema,  but  remained 
resolute.  It  issued  a  French  version  of  the  proscribed  book, 
and  one  of  its  masters  interrupted  the  sermon  of  Thomas 
Aquinas  to  announce  the  book.  When,  after  the  death  of  Alex- 
ander IV  in  1260,  the  new  pope  Urban  IV  permitted  Guillaume 
to  return,  the  entrance  of  the  exile  into  Paris  was  made  an 
occasion  of  public  rejoicing  (de  bacchantibus  summa  in  laeti- 
tia  omnibus  magistris  parisiensibus).  Guillaume  sent  a  second 
book  of  similar  tone  to  Urban's  successor,  Clement  IV.  This 
pope  advised  caution,  but  gently.  As  Guillaume's  activity 
had  ceased  by  1270,  his  death  may  be  placed  about  that 
year. 

As  an  ardent  supporter  of  the  University  and  of  Guillaume 
de  Saint-Amour,  Rutebeuf  flung  himself  into  the  heat  of  the 
controversy.  Six  poems  bear  directly  upon  this  episode,  Li 
Diz  de  V  Universitei  de  Paris,  La  Descorde  de  VUniversite  et  des 
Jacobins,  Li  Diz  du  Maitre  Guillaume  de  Saint- Amour,  La  Com- 
plainte  Maitre  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour,  De  Sainte  Eglise, 
Des  Regies.  Thirteen  others,  Les  Ordres  de  Paris,  La  Chanson 
des  Ordres,  Des  Jacobins,  Li  Diz  de  Cordeliers,  Des  Beguines, 
Li  Diz  des  Regies,  Renart  le  Bestourne,  Du  Pharisian,  De  VEstat 
du  monde,  Les  Plaies  du  monde,  De  la  Vie  du  monde,  La 
Bataille  des  Vices  contre  les  Vertus,  La  Lections  d'Ypocrisie  et 
d'Umilitei,  attest  Rutebeuf 's  contempt  for  the  Mendicant 
Orders,  a  contempt  which,  poor  as  he  was  and  dependent  for 
very  sustenance  upon  the  favor  of  the  king  or  of  a  court 
noble,  he  was  too  courageous  to  moderate  (v.  pp.  23,  24  of  this 
book  and  the  poems,  Povrelei  Rutebeuf,  Mariage  Rutebeuf, 
Complainte  Rutebeuf). 


120      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

In  the  earliest  of  these  poems  Rutebeuf  reproaches  some  few 
students  with  the  riotous  living  which  was  to  furnish  the 
Dominicans  with  an  occasion  for  encroaching  upon  the  privi- 
leges of  the  University.  His  sympathy  with  the  University 
appears  in  his  estimate  of  the  life  of  the  true  scholar. 

Diex  !  ja  n'est  il  si  bone  vie, 
Qui  de  bien  faire  auroit  envie, 
Com  ele  est  de  droit  escolier  ! .  .  . 
II  ne  pueent  pas  bien  entendre 
A  seoir  asseiz  a  la  table. 
Lor  vie  est  ausi  metable 
Come  de  nule  religion. 

(Diz  de  I'Universitei,  41)  2 

A  later  poem  reveals  the  bitter  feeling  that  had  sprung  up 
between  the  monks  and  their  early  patrons. 

Rimer  m'estuet  d'une  descorde 
Qu'a  Paris  a  seme1  Envie 
Entre  gent  qui  mis^ricorde 
Sermonent  et  honeste  vie. 
De  foi,  de  pais  et  de  concorde 
Est  lor  langue  mult  replenie, 
Mes  lor  maniere  me  recorde 
Que  dire  et  fere  n'i  soit  mie. 

Sor  Jacobins  est  la  parole 
Que  je  vos  vueil  conter  et  dire, 
Quar  chascuns  de  Dieu  nous  parole 
Et  si  deffent  courouz  et  ire; 

2  To  one  who  should  wish  to  live  uprightly  is  there  any  life  so  pleasant 
as  is  that  of  true  scholars?  .  .  .  They  can  not  allow  themselves  to  sit 
long  enough  at  the  table.  Their  life  is  as  well  governed  as  that  of  any 
monastic  order. 


THE   DEFENCE   OF   GUILLAUME   DE    SAINT-AMOUR  121 

Et  c'est  la  riens  qui  l'ame  afole, 
Qui  la  destruit  et  qui  l'empire: 
Or  guerroient  por  une  escole 
Ou  il  vuelent  a  force  lire.  . . . 

Chascuns  d'els  ddust  estre  amis 
I/Universite"  voirement, 
Quart  l'Universite"  a  mis 
En  els  tout  le  bon  fondement, 
Livres,  deniers,  pains  et  demis; 
Mes  or  lor  rendent  malement, 
Quar  eels  destruit  li  anemis 
Qui  plus  l'ont  servi  longuement. 

II  pu£ent  bien  estre  preudomme : 
Ce  vueil  je  bien  que  chascuns  croie; 
Mes  ce  qu'il  pledoient  a,  Romme 
L'Universite"  m'en  desvoie. 
Des  Jacobins  vous  di  la  somme: 
Por  riens  que  Jacobins  acroie, 
La  pele\ire  d'une  pomme 
De  lor  dete  ne  paieroie. 
(Descorde  de  I' Universitei  et  des  Jacobins,  st.  1,  2,  4,  8)  8 

3  It  is  necessary  for  me  to  speak  of  the  discord  that  Envy  has  sown 
among  people  who  preach  pity  and  an  honest  life.  Faith,  peace  and  con- 
cord are  ever  on  their  tongue,  but  their  conduct  reminds  me  that  saying 
and  doing  are  not  at  all  the  same.  About  the  Dominicans  is  the  discourse 
which  I  wish  to  deliver,  for  every  one  [of  them]  speaks  to  us  of  God,  and 
forbids  wrath  and  anger;  and  these  passions  [they  say]  ruin  the  soul 
and  destroy  it  and  enslave  it.  But  then  they  stirred  up  discord  for  the 
sake  of  a  school  in  which  they  wish  to  obtain  by  force  the  right  of  preach- 
ing. .  .  .  Each  of  them  ought  to  be  the  friend  of  the  University  truly, 
for  the  University  established  them  upon  a  good  foundation,  [furnishing] 
books,  money,  bread  and  revenues;  but  now  the  Dominicans  repay  them 
ill,  for  the  unfriendly  order  destroys  those  who  have  served  it  longest 
and  best.  They  may  be  very  worthy  people  —  I  hope  that  every  one 
can  believe  it!  but  because  they  laid  an  accusation  against  the  University 
at  Rome,  I  have  nothing  to  do  with  them.  In  regard  to  the  Dominicans 
I  tell  you  in  short,  that  if  a  Dominican  gets  possession  of  anything,  I  would 
not  give  an  apple-paring  for  [the  payment  of]  the  debt. 


122      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Li  Diz  de  Maitre  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour  and  La  Com- 
plainte  Maitre  Guillaume  are  even  bolder  in  tone.  Thrilled  with 
indignation  at  the  unjust  exile  of  Guillaume,  Rutebeuf  does  not 
hesitate  to  reproach  the  king  and  the  highest  prelates  as  either 
traitors  to  their  sacred  trust  or  weaklings.  Before  the  dread 
tribunal  of  God,  he  warns,  account  must  be  rendered  for  the 
base  complaisance  which  delivered  a  prophet  of  the  truth  to 
the  malevolence  of  his  enemies. 

Oiez,  prelat  et  prince  et  roi, 

La  desreson  et  le  desroi 

Con  a  fet  a  mestre  Guillaume: 

L'en  a  banni  de  cest  roiaume; 

A  tel  tort  ne  morut  mes  horn.  .  . . 

Por  ce  que  vous  v6ez  a,  plain 

Que  je  n'ai  pas  tort,  se  le  plain, 

Et  que  ce  soit  sanz  jugement 

Qu'il  sueffre  cest  escillement, 

Je  le  vous  monstre  a  iex  voians, 

Ou  droiz  est  tors  et  voirs  noians. 

Bien  avez  o'i  la  descorde.  . . 

Qui  a  dure*  tant  longuement 

(.vii.  ans  tos  plains  entirement) 

Entre  la  gent  Saint-Dominique 

Et  eels  qui  lisent  de  logique. . . . 

II  s'acorderent  a  la  pes, 

Sanz  commencier  guerre  james: .  . . 

Mestre  Guillaume  au  roi  vint,  .  .  . 

Si  dist:  "Sire,  nous  sons  en  mise 

Par  le  dit  et  par  la  devise 

Que  li  prelat  deviseront: 

Ne  sai  se  cil  la  briseront." 

Li  rois  jura:  "En  non  de  mi ! 

II  m'auront  tout  a  anemi 

S'ils  la  brisent.  ..." 

Li  mestres  parti  du  palais, .  .  . 

Sanz  ce  que  puis  ne  mesf&st; 

Ne  la  pais  pas  ne  desf&st, 

Si  l'escilla  sanz  plusv^oir. 


THE   DEFENCE   OF   GUILLAUME   DE    SAINT-AMOUR  123 

Doit  cis  escillemenz  s6oir? 
Nenil,  qui  a  droit  jugeroit, 
Qui  droiture  et  s'ame  ameroit. 

(Diz  de  Maitre  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour) 4 

In  the  poem  just  cited  the  attack  is  direct  and  logical;  its 
emotional  counterpart  is  the  Complainte  Maitre  Guillaume  de 
Saint- Amour,  wholly  lyrical  in  character,  languishing,  imagina- 
tive.   Holy  Church  bewails  her  desolation: 

"  Vous  qui  alez  parmi  la  voie, 
Arrestez  vous,  et  chascuns  voie 
S'il  est  dolor  tel  com  la  moie," 

Dist  Sainte  Yglise. 
"  Je  suis  sor  ferme  pier  re  assise: 
La  pierre  esgrume  et  fent  et  brise, 

Et  je  chancele.  .  .  . 
Com  sont  li  mien  mort  et  trahi 
Et  por  la  ve'rite'  hai 

Sanz  jugement ! .  . . 
Li  mien  sont  tenu  por  musart, 

Et  je  l'compere: 
Pris  ont  C6sar,  pris  ont  Saint-Pere, 
Et  s'ont  emprisone"  mon  pere  [Guillaume] 

Dedenz  sa  terre. 

4  Hear,  prelates  and  princes  and  kings,  the  wrong  and  injustice  that  has 
been  done  to  Master  Guillaume:  he  has  been  banished  from  this  kingdom. 
.  .  .  Never  man  died  by  such  wrong.  ...  In  order  that  you  may  see 
plainly  that  I  am  not  mistaken  when  I  pity  him,  and  that  it  is  without 
process  of  law  that  he  suffers  this  exile,  I  set  forth  the  matter  before  your 
eyes,  or  right  is  wrong  and  truth  nothing.  You  have  surely  heard  of  the 
discord  .  .  .  which  has  lasted  so  long  (full  seven  years  altogether)  between 
the  Dominicans  and  those  who  read  logic  [the  scholars  of  the  University] 
.  .  .  [At  last]  they  agreed  to  a  peace,  and  never  to  begin  strife  again.  .  .  . 
Master  Guillaume  went  to  the  king,  and  said:  "Sire,  we  agree  by  word 
and  wish  [to  the  peace]  which  the  prelates  shall  devise.  I  don't  know 
whether  they  will  break  it."  The  king  declared:  "Faith!  they  shall  have 
me  for  an  enemy  if  they  break  it."  .  .  .  The  master  left  the  palace.  ...  He 
subsequently  committed  no  misdeed;  nor  did  he  break  the  peace,  but  yet 
he  was  exiled  without  further  audience.  Was  this  exile  just?  Not  at  all, 
in  the  eyes  of  one  who  should  judge  fairly,  to  one  who  loves  justice  and 
his  own  soul. 


124      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST  IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Or  est  fors  mis  de  cest  roiaume 

Li  bons  preudom 
Qui  mist  cors  et  vie  a  bandon  ! . .  . 
Or  est  en  son  pais  reclus, 

A  Saint- Amor, .  .  . 
II  auroit  pais,  de  ce  me  vant, 
S'il  voloit  jurer  par  convant 

Que  voirs  fust  fable, 
Et  tors  fust  droiz,  et  Diex  deable, 
Et  fors  de  sens  f ussent  resnable, 

Et  noirs  fust  blanz; 
Mes  por  tant  puet  user  son  tans, 
En  tel  estat,  si  com  je  pans, 

Que  ce  deist, 
Ne  que  jusques  la  mesf&st, 
Comment  que  la  chose  pr6ist; 

Quar  ce  seroit 
Desleautez :  n'il  ne  f eroit, 
Ce  sai  je  bien;  miex  ameroit 

Estre  enmurez, 
Ou  desfez  ou  desfigurez, 
N'il  n'ert  ja  si  desmesurez, 

Que  Diex  ne  veut: 
Or  soit  ainsi  comme  estre  puet. 
Encor  est  Diex  la  ou  il  suet, 

Ce  sai  je  bien;  .  . . 
S'il  muert  por  moi,  s'ert  de  moi  plains. 
Voir  dires  a  coust^  a  mains 

Et  coustera; 
Mes  Diex,  qui  est  et  qui  sera, 
S'il  veut,  en  pou  d'eure  fera 

Cest  bruit  remaindre.  .  .  . 
Se  il  est  por  moi  sanz  amis, 
Diex  s'ert  en  poi  d'eure  entremis 

De  lui  secorre. 

(Complainte  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour)  6 

6  "You  who  walk  by  the  road,  stop,  and  let  each  one  see  whether  there 
is  grief  like  unto  my  grief,"  said  Holy  Church.  "I  am  seated  upon  a  firm 
rock.    The  rock  crumbles  and  splits  and  breaks,  and  I  totter.  .  .  .  How 


THE   DEFENCE   OF   GUILLAUME   DE    SAINT-AMOUR  125 

De  Sainte  Eglise  contains  a  contemptuous  allusion  to  the 
author  of  the  Evangelium  ceternum,  as  the  "fifth  evangelist," 
and  would  consign  the  promulgators  of  the  "new  gospel"  to 
wander  among  the  beasts  of  the  field,  which  they  resemble. 

In  the  Bataille  des  Vices  contre  les  Vertus  Rutebeuf  expresses 
the  growing  alarm  excited  by  the  pretensions  of  the  new  orders 
to  control  not  only  the  religious,  but  also  civil  and  private  life. 
The  marked  deterioration  in  the  character  of  the  monks  since 
the  days  of  their  founders  did  not  tend  to  allay  these  appre- 
hensions.   The  poem  may  be  dated  about  the  year  1270. 

N'a  pas  bien  .lx.  et  .x.  anz, 

Que  ces,  .ij.  saintes  ordres  vinrent.  .  .  . 

Por  preschier  humilite" 

Qui  est  voie  de  verity, 

Por  l'essaucier  et  por  l'ensivre, 

Si  comme  il  truevent  en  lor  livre, 

Vindrent  ces  saintes  genz  en  terre  .... 

Quant  il  vindrent  premierement, 

Si  vindrent  assez  humblement: 

are  my  saints  betrayed  and  put  to  death  and  hated  for  the  truth's  sake 
without  form  of  justice?  .  .  .  My  own  are  derided  and  I  endure  it :  Caesar 
and  the  Holy  Father  have  seized  them,  and  they  have  imprisoned  my 
father  [GuillaumeJ  within  his  own  estates.  .  .  .  Now  he,  the  good  and 
upright  man,  who  risked  body  and  life  freely,  has  been  banished  from  this 
kingdom!  .  .  .  Now  he  is  confined  in  his  own  country,  at  Saint- Amour. 
.  .  .  He  would  have  peace,  of  this  I  am  sure,  if  he  were  willing  to  swear 
that  false  is  true,  and  wrong  is  right,  and  the  Devil  God,  and  senseless 
reasonable,  and  black  white;  but  he  would  far  rather  spend  his  life,  so  I 
think,  in  his  present  condition  than  to  say  such  baseness;  nor  would  he 
act  so  wickedly,  however  the  matter  should  end,  for  this  would  be  unfaith- 
fulness; he  would  not  do  it,  1  am  sure;  he  would  prefer  to  be  imprisoned 
or  killed  or  mutilated.  Never  will  he  be  so  lacking  in  strength,  for  God 
does  not  will  it.  Now  whatever  the  result,  God  is  still  wherever  Guillaume 
is,  I  know  well.  ...  If  he  dies  for  me  [the  Church],  he  will  be  lamented 
by  me.  .  .  .  Speaking  the  truth  has  proved  and  will  prove  costly  to  many 
a  one;  but  God,  who  is  and  who  shall  be,  can,  if  he  wills,  soon  quiet  this 
noise.  ...  If  he  is  without  friends  for  my  sake,  God  will  soon  intervene 
to  aid  him." 


126      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Du  pain  quistrent,  tel  fu  la  riegle, 

Por  oster  les  p6chiez  du  siecle.  .  .  . 

Humilitez  estoit  petite 

Qu'il  avoient  por  aus  eslite: 

Or  est  Humilitez  greignor 

Que  li  frere  sont  or  seignor 

Des  rois,  des  prelas  et  des  contes. 

Par  foi,  si  feroit  or  granz  hontes 

S'il  n'avoient  autre  viande 

Que  l'Escripture  ne  demande,  .  . . 

Et  or  est  bien  droiz  et  resons 

Que  si  granz  dame  ait  granz  mesons 

Et  biaus  palais  et  beles  sales, 

Maugre"  toutes  les  langues  males, 

Et  la  Rutebeuf  tout  premiers, 

Qui  d'aus  blasmer  fu  coustumiers.  .  .  . 

Et  li  frere  qui  la  maintienent 

Tout  le  roiaume  en  lor  main  tienent; 

Les  secrez  encerchent  et  quierent,  .  .  . 

S'on  les  lest  entrer  es  mesons 

II  i  a  [des]  bones  resons: 

L'une  est  qu'il  portent  bone  bouche, 

Et  chascuns  doit  douter  reprouche;  .  .  . 

.  .  .  trestoute  la  char  h6rice 

Au  mauves  qui  les  voit  venir: 

Tart  li  est  qu'il  puisse  tenir 

Chose  qui  lor  soit  bone  et  bele: 

Quar  il  sevent  mainte  novele. 

Si  lor  fet  cil  joie  et  feste 

Por  ce  qu'il  se  coute  d'enqueste. 

(Bataille  des  Vices  contre  les  Vertus)  6 

8  It  is  not  quite  seventy  years  since  these  two  holy  orders  came  .  .  . 
to  preach  humility,  which  is  the  path  of  truth,  to  exalt  it  and  to  follow  it, 
as  they  find  in  their  book,  these  holy  people  came  into  the  country.  When 
they  came  at  first,  they  came  humbly;  they  begged  their  bread,  such 
was  the  rule,  to  take  away  the  sins  of  the  world.  .  .  .  Humility  was  little, 
the  virtue  they  had  chosen  for  their  own;  now  is  Humility  greater,  for 
the  friars  are  now  lords  of  kings,  of  prelates  and  of  counts.  By  my  faith, 
now  it  would  be  a  great  shame  if  they  had  not  other  food  than  their  rule 
prescribes.  .  .  .  Now  is  it  right  and  reasonable  that  so  great  a  dame  should 


THE   DEFENCE    OF   GUILLAUME    DE    SAINT-AMOUR  127 

After  lamenting  the  death  of  a  true  friend  of  Guillaume  de 
Saint-Amour,  the  Canon  of  Beauvais,  Chretien,  Rutebeuf  makes 
once  again  the  charge  that  the  wrong  done  to  Guillaume  is 
also  an  encroachment  upon  secular  rights: 

Deboneretez  et  dame  Ire,  .  .  . 

Vindrent,  lor  genz  toutes  rengies,  .  .  . 

Devant  l'apostoile  Alixandre,  .  .  . 

Li  frere  Jacobin  i  furent 

Por  oir  droit  si  comme  il  durent, 

Et  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour, 

Quar  il  avoient  fet  clamor 

De  ses  sermons,  de  ses  paroles. 

Si  m'est  avis  que  l'apostoles 

Bani  icel  mestre  Guillaume 

D'autrui  terre  et  d'autre  roiaume. 

S'il  a  partout  tel  avantage, 

Baron  i  ont  honte  et  domage, 

Qu'ainsi  n'ont  il  rien  en  lor  terre.  .  .  . 

Or  dient  mult  de  bone  gent, 

Cui  il  ne  fu  ne  bel  ne  gent 

Qu'il  fust  baniz,  c'on  li  fist  tort; 

Mes  ce  sachent  et  droit  et  tort 

C'on  puet  bien  trop  dire  trop  de  voir; 

Bien  le  poez  apercevoir 

Par  cestui  qui  en  fu  banis, 

Et  si  ne  fu  mie  fenis 

Li  plais,  ainz  dura  par  grant  piece. 

(Bataille  des  Vices  contre  les  Vertus)  7 


have  great  houses  and  beautiful  halls  and  beautiful  palaces,  in  spite  of 
malicious  tongues  and  that  of  Rutebeuf  first  of  all,  who  was  wont  to  blame 
them.  .  .  .  And  the  Friars  who  profess  humility  hold  all  the  kingdom  in 
their  hands.  They  seek  out  and  search  into  secrets.  If  they  are  admitted 
into  men's  houses,  there  is  good  reason  for  it.  One  is  that  they  have  sharp 
tongues,  and  every  one  fears  slander.  .  .  .  The  wicked  man's  flesh  creeps 
when  he  sees  them  coming;  it  is  hard  for  him  to  keep  anything  which  they 
think  good  and  beautiful,  for  they  can  tell  many  a  tale.  So  he  receives 
them  with  [pretended]  joy  and  feasts  them  because  he  fears  inquiry. 

7  Goodness  and  Dame  Wrath  .  .  .  came  with  all  their  people  ranged 
about  them  .  .  .  before  Pope  Alexander.  .  .  .  The  Dominican  Friars  were 


128      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST  IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Jean  de  Meung  set  down  in  allegorical  form  the  same  judg- 
ment. Among  other  doctrines  displeasing  to  the  Friars,  Guil- 
laume  had  taught  that  the  monks  should  support  themselves 
by  labor  on  their  lands.  False-Semblant  says,  not  in  character, 
but  expressing  the  author's  views: 

Ja  ne  m'ai'st  ne  pains  ne  vins, 

S'il  n'avoit  en  sa  verite" 

L'acort  de  rUniversite" 

Et  du  pueple  communement, 

Qui  ooient  son  preschement .  .  . 

Car  ge  ne  m'en  teroie  mie, 

Se  perdre  en  devoie  la  vie 

Ou  estre  mis,  contre  droiture, 

Comme  sains  Pous,  en  chartre  oscure 

Ou  estre  bannis  du  roiaume 

A  tort,  cum  fu  mestre  Guillaume 

De  Saint  Amor,  qu'Ypocrisie 

Fist  essilier,  par  grant  envie. 

Ma  mere  [Ypocrisie]  en  essil  le  chaca. 

Le  vaillant  home  tant  braca 

Por  ve>ite"  qu'il  soustenoit, 

Vers  ma  mere  trop  mesprenoit, 

Por  ce  qu'il  fist  un  novel  livre  [De  Periculis3 

Ou  sa  vie  fist  toute  escrivre. 

Et  voloit  que  je  renoiasse 

Mendicite"  et  laborasse 

Se  ge  n'avoie  de  quoi  vivre.  10,.,u 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  12417)  8 

there  to  hear  judgment  as  they  should,  and  Guillaume  de  Saint- Am  our, 
for  they  had  raised  a  great  clamor  about  his  sermons  and  his  conversation. 
In  my  opinion  the  pope  banished  Master  Guillaume  from  the  land  and 
kingdom  of  another.  If  he  has  everywhere  such  advantage,  the  lords 
have  shame  and  harm  from  it,  for  they  have  no  rights  over  their  own 
land.  .  .  .  Now  many  good  people  say  that  it  was  neither  good  nor  fitting 
to  banish  him,  that  he  was  wronged;  but  they  know  that,  right  or  wrong, 
one  may  easily  speak  too  much  truth.  This  you  may  see  from  the  case 
of  him  who  was  banished  for  this  very  thing,  and  so  the  question  was  not 
at  all  settled,  but  will  last  for  a  long  time. 

8  May  bread  and  wine  fail  me,  if  he  [Guillaume]  had  not  in  his  speaking 
of  the  truth  the  assent  of  the  University  and  of  the  people  in  general,  of 


THE   DEFENCE    OF   GUILLAUME    DE    SAINT-AMOUR  129 

In  the  University  Jean  de  Meung  saw  the  last  hope  of 
religion. 

Et  se  ne  fust  la  bone  garde 

De  l'Universite-  qui  garde 

La  clef  de  la  crestiente\ 

Tout  enst  este"  torments, 

Quant  par  mauvese  entencion, 

En  Fan  de  Flncarnacion 

Mil  et  deus  cens  cine  et  cinquante  .  .  . 

Fu  bailies  .  .  . 

Uns  livres  de  par  le  doable : 

C'est  FEvangile  pardurable.  .  .  . 

Bien  est  digne  d'estre  brusle.  .  .  . 

La  trovast  par  grant  mesprison 

Mainte  tele  comparaison: 

Autant  cum  par  sa  grant  valor, 

Soit  de  clart6,  soit  de  chalor, 

Sormonte  li  solaus  la  lune,   .  .  . 

Et  li  noiaus  des  nois  la  coque,  .  .  . 

Tant  sormonte  ceste  Evangile 

Ceus  que  li  quatre  eVang^listres 

Jh6su-Crist  firent  a  lor  tistres. 

{Roman  de  la  rose,  12729)  9 

all  who  heard  his  preaching,  for  I  would  not  be  silent  at  all,  if  I  had  to  lose 
my  life  for  speaking,  or  to  be  put,  contrary  to  right,  in  a  dark  prison  like 
Saint  Paul,  or  to  be  banished  from  the  kingdom  unjustly  as  was  Master 
Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour,  whom  Hypocrisy  caused  to  be  exiled  through 
great  malice.  My  mother  [Hypocrisy]  drove  him  into  exile.  The  valiant 
man  endured  much  because  he  supported  the  truth,  and  because  he  injured 
my  mother,  by  composing  a  new  book  [De  Periculis']  in  which  he  wrote 
her  entire  history,  and  required  that  I  should  give  up  begging  and  should 
labor  if  I  lacked  means  of  livelihood. 

9  And  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  sharp  watch  of  the  University,  which 
keeps  the  key  of  Christianity,  every  thing  [good]  would  have  been  over- 
thrown, when  by  evil  intent  in  the  year  of  the  Incarnation  1255,  .  .  .  there 
was  issued  by  the  help  of  the  Devil  a  book,  namely,  the  Evangelium  ceter- 
num.  It  well  deserves  to  be  burned.  .  .  .  Therein  could  be  found  writ  i  en 
by  great  presumption  many  such  a  comparison:  —  as  much  as  the  sun 
surpasses  the  moon,  both  in  brilliancy  and  heat,  and  the  meat  of  the  nut 
the  shell,  ...  so  much  this  Evangel  surpasses  those  which  the  four 
apostles  of  Jesus  Christ  composed. 


130      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

A  comparison  of  the  accusations  made  by  Rutebeuf  and  Jean 
de  Meung  with  these  of  the  writers  whose  works  fall  between 
1150  and  1230  reveals  some  interesting  points  of  difference. 
The  main  charges  of  the  earlier  moralists  were  greed,  indul- 
gence and  self-seeking,  faults  black  enough  certainly  in  spiri- 
tual advisers.  But  Rutebeuf  and  Jean  de  Meung  scented  the 
chief  danger  in  the  solidarity  of  organization  of  the  new  orders. 
They  had  won  over  the  king;  they  had  made  pacts  with  Rome; 
the  strength  of  a  single  order  had  banished  a  man  of  Guil- 
laume's  high  standing.  Accordingly  the  later  poets  had  little 
to  say  concerning  the  secular  clergy  —  who,  indeed,  had  their 
own  grievances  against  the  monks  —  reserving  their  shafts  for 
the  brotherhoods,  in  whose  ambition  they  found  a  real  danger 
to  society. 

The  earlier  indictments,  moreover,  while  quite  bold  enough 
to  bring  their  authors  into  disfavor  with  their  ecclesiastical 
superiors,  were  more  general  in  nature.  Rutebeuf  called  every 
order  by  name,  and  was  careful  to  give  each  gibe  an  appropriate- 
ness that  would  rankle  long. 

Of  the  many  verses  composed  by  Rutebeuf  as  attacks  on  the 
foes  of  the  University  Les  Ordres  de  Paris  and  La  Chanson  des 
Ordres  are  interesting  because  of  their  popular  appeal;  the 
poet  points  a  jeering  finger  at  the  badges  of  the  order;  he  en- 
forces his  sneer  with  the  satirist's  devices  of  the  pun  and  the 
refrain. 

Par  maint  samblant,  par  mainte  guise 
Font  cil  qui  n'ont  ouvraingne  aprise 
Par  qu'ils  puissent  avoir  chevance; 
Li  un  vestent  coutelle  grise 
Et  li  autre  vont  sans  chemise : 
Si  font  savoir  lor  p^nitance. 
Li  autre  par  fauce  semblance 
Sont  signeur  de  Paris  en  France; 
Si  ont  ja  la  cite*  pour  prise.  .  .  . 
Li  Jacobin  sont  si  preudoume 
Qu'il  ont  Paris  et  si  ont  Roume, 
Et  si  sont  roi  et  apostole, 


THE   DEFENCE    OF   GUILLAUME   DE    SAINT- AMOUR  131 

Et  de  V  avoir  ont  il  grant  soume. 

Et  qui  se  muert,  se  il  ne's  noume 

Pour  ex6cuteurs,  s'ame  afole:  .  .  . 

N'uns  n'en  dit  voir,  c'on  ne  l'asoume: 

Lor  haine  n'est  pas  frivole.  .  . . 

Se  li  Cordelier  pour  la  corde 

Pu6ent  avoir  le  Dieu  acorde, 

Buer  font  de  la  corde  encorde\ 

La  Dame  de  mise>icorde, 

Ce  dient  il,  a  eus  s'acorde, 

Dont  ja  ne  seront  descorde^ 

Mais  Ten  m'a  dit  et  recorde" 

Que  t6s  montre  au  disne  cors  De 

Semblant  d'amour  qui  s'en  descorde: 

N'a  pas  granment  que  concorde" 

Fu  par  un  d'aux  et  acordei 

Un  livre  dont  je  me  descorde.*  .  .  . 

Li  Vaux  des  Escoliers  m'enchante 

Qui  quierent  pain  et  si  ont  rente 

Et  vont  a  chevaul  et  a  pie\ 

L'Universitei  la  dolante, 

Qui  se  complaint  et  se  demante, 

Trueve  en  eux  petit  d'amistie\ 

Ce  ele  d'ex  6ust  piti6, 

Mais  il  se  sont  bien  acquitie" 

De  ce  que  l'Escriture  chante: 

"Quant  om  at  mauvais  respite, 

Trueve  Fan  puis  l'anemisti6; 

Car  li  mauz  fruiz  ist  de  male  ente." 

{Ordres  de  Paris) 10 

10  Many  a  false  profession,  many  a  pretence  is  practiced  by  those  who 
have  learned  no  trade  by  which  they  can  gain  a  living.  Some  wear  a  grey 
frock  [the  Franciscans],  and  others  go  without  a  shirt  [the  Dominicans]: 
so  they  display  their  penitence.  Others  through  deceit  are  lords  of  Paris 
in  France;  they  have  taken  possession  of  the  city.  .  .  .  The  Dominicans 
are  so  powerful  that  they  rule  Paris  and  they  rule  Rome,  and  they  are 
kings  and  popes,  and  they  own  a  great  amount  of  property.  If  a  dying  man 
does  not  name  them  for  executors,  his  soul  is  lost.  No  one  speaks  the  truth 
about  them  without  being  silenced.  Their  hatred  is  no  light  matter.  .  .  . 
If  the  Franciscans  by  their  cord  are  accorded  the  favor  of  God,  they  did 


132      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Du  siecle  vueil  chanter 
Que  je  voi  enchanter; 
Tel  vens  porra  venter 
Qu'il  n'ira  mie  ainsi. 
Papelart  et  B6guin 
Ont  le  siecle  honi. 

Tant  d'ordres  avons  ja 
Ne  sai  qui  les  sonja, 
Ainz  Diex  tels  genz  noma 
N'il  ne  sont  si  ami. 
Papelart  etc. 

Frere  Pr6dicator 
Sont  de  mult  simple  ator, 
Et  s'ont  en  lor  destor 
Mainte  bon  parisi. 
Papelart  etc. 

Et  li  Frere  Menu 
Nous  ont  si  pres  tenu 
Que  il  ont  retenu 
De  1' avoir  autressi. 
Papelart  etc. 

Qui  ces  .ij.  n'ob&st 
Et  qui  ne  lor  g^hist 


Quanqu'il  oncques  f£ist, 
Tels  bougres  ne  nasqui. 
Papelart  etc. 


well  to  encord  themselves  with  the  cord.  Our  Lady  of  pity  [misericorde), 
they  say,  is  in  so  close  concord  with  them  that  they  will  never  be  uncorded. 
But  people  have  told  me  and  recorded  that  many  a  one  at  the  sacrament 
(cors  D6)  makes  pretence  of  love  with  which  his  life  is  discordant.  It 
is  not  long  since  a  book  whose  views  are  discordant  with  mine  {Evangelium 
celernum),  was  declared  in  complete  accord  and  concord  with  theirs.  .  .  . 
The  Val-des-Ecoliers  please  me  because  they  beg  their  bread  and  also 
have  property,  and  go  both  on  foot  and  on  horseback.  The  afflicted  Uni- 
versity, which  laments  and  is  distracted,  finds  in  them  little  friendship. 
Although  it  had  pity  upon  them,  yet  they  lightly  forgot  their  debt,  just 
as  the  Scripture  says:  "When  one  aids  a  bad  man,  one  gets  enmity  in 
return;   for  bad  fruit  comes  forth  from  a  bad  graft." 


THE   DEFENCE   OF   GUILLAUME   DE   SAINT-AMOUR  133 

Assez  dient  de  bien, 
Ne  sai  s'il  en  font  rien; 
Qui  lor  done  du  sien 
Tel  preudomme  ne  vi. 
Papelart  et  B^guin 
Ont  le  siecle  honi. 

(Chanson  des  Ordres)  u 

I  have  treated  the  story  of  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour  thus 
at  length  because  it  furnishes  the  best  refutation  of  the  current 
opinion  that  until  the  time  of  Luther  men  submitted  to  ecclesi- 
astical tyranny.  In  his  defence  of  truth  Guillaume  was  quite 
as  unflinching  as  the  German  reformer,  and  without  the  sup- 
port of  a  princely  protector;  and,  further,  the  scholars  and 
poets  who  stood  around  Guillaume  were  men  who  dared  to 
think  for  themselves,  unhampered  by  slavish  adherence  to 
time-honored  institutions.* 

II  I  wish  to  sing  of  the  age  that  seems  bewitched.  Such  a  wind  may 
blow  as  shall  change  all  that.  Papelard  and  Beguin  have  dishonored  the 
age.  We  have  so  many  orders,  I  don't  know  who  created  them.  I  know 
that  God  never  instituted  them,  nor  are  they  his  friends.  Papelard  etc. 
The  Preaching  Friars  [the  Dominicans]  are  humble  in  appearance,  and 
have  laid  up  for  themselves  in  their  poverty  a  goodly  store  of  coins.  Pape- 
lard etc.  And  the  Fratres  Minores  [the  Franciscans]  have  held  us  so  close 
to  themselves  that  they  have  retained  most  of  others'  property.  Pape- 
lard etc.  If  a  man  does  not  obey  these  two  orders  and  confess  to  them  all 
he  ever  did,  such  a  heretic  was  never  born.  Papelard  etc.  They  talk 
much  about  goodness;  I  have  never  heard  that  they  practiced  it.  If  a 
man  gives  them  his  wealth,  such  a  fine  man  was  never  seen.     Papelard  etc. 


CHAPTER  IV 

DISSENT   FROM   THE   DOCTRINES    OF   THE    CHURCH 

Staunch  as  were  Rutebeuf,  Guillaume  de  Saint-Amour  and 
the  scholars  of  the  University  of  Paris  in  defending  their  rights 
even  against  the  pope,  they  were,  nevertheless,  orthodox  church- 
men. Considering  the  stress  laid  by  the  Church  on  correct 
belief  and  the  efficacious  means  at  its  command  to  enforce  con- 
formity, it  would  not  be  strange  if  no  clerics  of  standing  had 
cared  to  express  dissent  from  the  authorized  teaching.  Yet  even 
in  the  realm  of  doctrine  the  evidence  of  literature  shows  that 
the  Church  was  by  no  means  so  dominant  as  both  its  friends 
and  its  enemies  have  asserted.  A  rationalizing  spirit  was  wide- 
spread among  the  people  as  early  as  the  thirteenth  century. 
Helinant,  Gautier  de  Coincy,  the  poet  of  Chante-Pleure, 
Guillaume  le  Clerc,  Friar  Lorens,  Philippe  de  Novare,  deplore 
the  popular  skepticism  in  regard  to  miracles,  the  resurrec- 
tion, transubstantiation  and  the  incarnation.  Equally  remote 
from  deference  to  orthodox  opinion  was  the  gay  verse  favored 
in  the  courts  of  the  nobles,  particularly  in  southern  France. 
At  the  base  of  this  care-free  song  was  not  only  impatience  with 
the  restraint  imposed  upon  pleasure-seekers  by  the  Church, 
but  also  a  quarrel  with  ecclesiastical  values,  a  tendency  to  judge 
abstruse  speculations  by  their  actual  ethical  outcome.  And, 
finally,  more  important  than  the  rejection  of  any  specific  dogma 
was  a  marked  tendency  to  exalt  the  function  of  reason  in 
matters  of  belief. 

It  may  be  fair  to  assume  that  when  the  laity  applied  to  meta- 
physical doctrines  everyday  analogues,  the  result  of  their 
thinking  was  crude  in  the  extreme.  Even  today  the  theologian 
has  to  complain  of  the  inadequacy  of  common-sense  standards 


DISSENT   FROM   THE   DOCTRINES   OF   THE    CHURCH  135 

to  measure  the  mysteries  of  religion.  The  medieval  ecclesias- 
tical writers,  have  then  reproduced,  not  exaggerated,  the  mis- 
apprehensions and  coarseness  of  sentiment  of  the  popular 
objections.  Yet  the  student  who  is  more  interested  in  the 
growth  of  freedom  of  thought  than  in  absolute  correctness  of 
opinion  will  pardon  these  blemishes  as  the  necessary  marks  of 
a  certain  early  intellectual  stage,  and  as  of  better  augury  than 
perfunctory  repetition  of  articles  of  belief.* 

Contemporary  writers  did  not  regard  their  own  age  as  an 
age  of  faith.  The  pious  monk  of  Froidmont  shuddered  at  the 
Epicureanism  of  his  day: 

...  Li  fol  dient:  "Nos  que  chaille 
De  quel  eure  morz  nos  assaille? 
Prendons  or  le  bien  qui  nos  vient ! 
Apres,  que  puet  valoir  si  vaille; 
Morz  est  la  fins  de  la  bataille 
Et  ame  et  cors  noient  devient." 

(Vers  de  la  Mart,  st.  34) 1 

The  authors  of  Chante-Pleure  and  of  the  Mireour  du  monde 
echo  the  same  lament: 

Li  bougres,  li  parfez,  icil  qui  riens  ne  croit 

Ne  cuide  pas  qu'enfers  ne  que  paradis  soit, 

Ne  qu'il  ait  ame  et  [1.  el]  cors  por  ce  qu'il  ne  l'sentoit, 

Ainz  pensse  li  parfont  que  pechiez  le  decoit. 

"Comment,"  fet  soi  li  bougres,  "puet  estre  veVite", 
Quar  li  clerc  nos  racontent  en  lor  divinite" 
Quant  Tame  est  espenie  et  el  vient  devant  D6, 
Dient  qu'ele  est  plus  bele  que  li  cors  n'ait  este\ 

"  Je  ne  l'poroie  croire,"  dist  li  bougres  parfet, 
"Ce  qu'Escripture  dist  ne  que  clergie  retret; 
D'une  vieille  bocue  et  d'un  vilain  contret, 
Comment  ert  Tame  bele  quant  li  cors  est  si  let?" 

1  Fools  say:  —  "What  do  we  care  at  what  hour  death  assails  us?  Let 
us  take  now  the  good  that  comes  to  us!  Afterwards  let  happen  what  will. 
Death  is  the  end  of  the  battle,  and  soul  and  body  perish  together." 


136      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Si  fete  gent  sont  bien  mescr^ant  a  veue: 
Dient  qu'ame  de  cors  ne  change  ne  ne  mue. 

In  vain  the  priest  explained  that  the  marvel  is  no  greater  than 
the  production  of  green  leaves  and  red  roses  from  the  same 
stalk,  or  a  black  hen's  laying  white  eggs,  still  the  incredulous 
resisted : 

Or  i  a  autres  bougres  si  de  Dieu  mescreant 

Qu'il  [I.  Que  iQ  ne  cuident  mie  que  Dieu  soit  si  poissant, 

Quant  li  mors  est  poris,  qu'en  autre  tel  semblant 

Le  puisse  Diex  refer e  comme  il  estoit  devant. 

(Chante-Pleure,  v.  Rutebeuf,  ed.  Jubinal,  iii,  p.  96) 2 

Le  plus  grant  orguel  qui  soit,  c'est  Bougrerie.  N'est  ce 
mie  grant  orguel,  quant  un  vilain  ou  une  vielle  qui  ne  seut 
onques  sa  patrenotre  a  droit,  cuide  plus  savoir  de  divinity  que 
tous  les  clers  de  Paris,  .  .  .  et  ne  veut  croirre  que  Dieu  sache 
faire  chose  en  terre  que  il  ne  puist  entendre.  Dont,  pour  ce 
qu'il  ne  puet  entendre  ne  voir  comment  un  homme  entier 
puet  estre  en  cele  oublee  que  le  prestre  tient  a  l'autel,  pour 
ce  ne  veut  il  croirre  que  ce  soit  vraiment  le  cors  Dieu. 

(Mireour  du  monde,  p.  51) 3 

Gautier  de  Coincy  berated  doubters  in  good  round  terms. 
He  certainly  did  not  select  faith  as  the  characteristic  virtue 
of  his  time. 

2  The  out-and-out  heretic,  he  who  believes  nothing,  thinks  that  there  is 
neither  Hell  or  Heaven,  and  denies  that  he  has  a  soul  as  well  as  a  body, 
because  he  does  not  perceive  it.  So  the  unbeliever  thinks,  for  sin  deceives 
him.  "How,"  says  the  unbeliever,  "can  it  be  true,  what  the  clergy  tell 
us  in  their  theology.  They  say  that  when  the  soul  is  purified  and  comes 
before  God,  it  is  more  beautiful  than  the  body  was.  I  could  not  believe," 
says  the  unbeliever,  "what  the  Scripture  says  and  the  clergy  teach.  How 
can  the  soul  of  an  old  deformed  woman  or  of  a  crippled  peasant  be  beautiful 
when  the  body  is  so  ugly?"  Such  people  are  plainly  misbelievers:  they 
say  that  the  soul  never  separates  from  the  body.  Now  there  are  other 
heretics  with  so  little  faith  in  God  that  they  do  not  believe  that  God  is 
powerful  enough,  when  the  dead  body  has  decayed,  to  raise  it  up  in  another 
kind  [living  as],  it  was  before. 

8  The  greatest  pride  of  all  is  unbelief.  Is  it  not  pride  when  an  old  man 
or  an  old  woman,  who  never  knew  the  paternoster  correctly,  thinks  to 


DISSENT   FROM   THE   DOCTRINES    OF   THE    CHURCH  137 

...  II  sunt  maint  larron  prouve 

Qu'il  nul  miracles  tant  soit  granz 

Ne  prisent  mie  leur  viez  ganz.  .  .  . 

Ne  croient  pas  sainte  escripture 

Li  mescr£anz,  li  faus  heritd,  .  .  . 

Des  miracles  le  Sauveur 

Si  bien  com  font  un  jongleur 

De  Renouart  au  grant  tinel.  .  .  .* 

Assez  sont  cler,  assez  sont  lai 

Qui  de  croire  voi  sont  si  laniers, 

Que  ne  plus  voirs  c'uns  viez  paniers, 

Ne  tient  leur  cuer  ne  foi  ne  crdance,  .  . . 

Li  mescr^ant  qui  pas  ne  croient 

Que  Diex  tant  de  pooir  eust 

Que  de  virge  nestre  peust. 

(Miracle  de  Notre  Dame  de  Sardenay,  574-706)  * 

.  .  .  Je  voi  aucunes  gens.  .  .  . 
[Qui]  la  douceur  ne  voient.mie 
De  Madame  Sainte  Marie. 
Nes  des  lettrez  sai  je  de  tieus, 
Qui  de  venin  sont  si  gletieus, 
Que  leur  cuer  point  ne  se  delite 
En  la  grace  Saint  Esperite.  .  .  . 
Simples  genz  font  souvent  douter, 
Por  ce  qu'il  gabent  et  qu'il  rient 
D'aucunes  choses  que  cil  dient.  .  .  . 

know  more  of  divinity  than  all  the  clergy  of  Paris,  .  .  .  and  can  not 
believe  that  God  can  do  anything  on  earth  that  he  [or  she]  can  not  under- 
stand? And  so  because  such  a  one  cannot  see  or  understand  how  an  entire 
man  can  be  in  the  wafer  which  the  priest  holds  at  the  altar,  therefore  he 
will  not  believe  that  the  wafer  is  really  the  body  of  God. 

*  There  are  many  proved  rascals  who  prize  no  miracle,  however  great, 
more  than  their  old  gloves.  .  .  .  These  miscreants,  these  false  heretics, 
do  not  believe  the  holy  Scriptures  concerning  the  miracles  of  the  Saviour 
as  much  as  they  do  a  jongleur  of  Raynouard  with  his  big  stick.  .  .  .  There 
are  many  of  the  clergy,  there  are  many  of  the  laity,  who  are  so  base  that 
their  heart  holds  neither  faith  nor  belief  any  more  than  an  old  basket 
[holds  water],  .  .  .  the  miscreants,  who  do  not  believe  that  God  could  be 
born  of  a  virgin. 


138      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH    LITERATURE 

Tant  sont  felon  et  deputaire, 
Que  miracles  n'aimment  ne  crient.  .  .  . 
A  done  si  dient  qu'autentique, 
Ne  vrai  ne  sunt  pas  si  miracles. 
(Miracle  de  la  fame  qui  recouvra  son  nez,  513-591) 5 

Vie  de  saints,  vie  de  saintes 
Tiennent  a  fables  et  a  faintes,  .  .  . 
Nes  les  miracles  Nostre  Dame.  .  . . 
Pour  ce  s'aucun  sermoneur, 
Gouliardois  et  jongleeur  .  .  . 
Fauz  miracles  font  a  la  foiz  .  .  .  [il  dient] 
Que  les  miracles  Nostre  Dame 
Sont  ausi  faus  et  controuve. 

(Miracle  de  Notre  Dame  d' Arras,  457-491) 6 

The  violence  of  Gautier's  denunciations  shows  that  the 
number  of  those  who  cared  little  for  the  authority  of  the 
Church  was  considerable.  He  would  kill  heretics  "as  readily 
as  he  would  eat." 

I6s  haiz  de  mort  ausi  fait  Dex.  .  .  . 
Ha  !  ha  !  ha  !  ha  !  larron  prouve" ! 
Larron,  larron,  larron,  murtrier, 
Pire  que  cil  qui  fist  murtre  ier.  .  .  . 
Por  aus  bailie  ja  enfers.  .  .  . 

(Miracle  de  Notre  Dame  d' Arras,  480)  7 

6  I  see  some  people  .  .  .  who  do  not  believe  at  all  in  the  sweetness  of 
our  Lady,  Saint  Mary.  Even  among  the  learned  I  know  some  that  are 
so  poisoned  with  venom  that  their  hearts  do  not  delight  in  the  grace  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.  .  .  .  They  inspire  doubt  among  humble  people  because  they 
laugh  and  joke  at  some  of  their  sayings.  .  .  .  They  are  so  wicked  and 
perverse  that  they  neither  love  nor  believe  miracles.  .  .  .  They  say  that 
miracles  are  not  genuine  or  true. 

6  They  hold  the  lives  of  saints  for  fables  and  fictions,  even  the  miracles 
of  Our  Lady.  .  .  .  Therefore  if  any  speech-maker,  goliard  or  jongleur 
ever  performs  pretended  wonders,  they  say  that  the  miracles  of  Our  Lady 
are  equally  false  concoctions. 

7  I  hate  them  with  a  deadly  hatred,  just  as  God  does.  ...  Ah!  Ah! 
thieves  proved!  thieves,  thieves,  thieves,  murderers,  worse  than  he  who 
committed  murder  yesterday!  .  .  .     For  them  Hell  yawns. 


DISSENT   FROM   THE   DOCTRINES   OF   THE    CHURCH  139 

Vilain  si  fol  sunt  et  si  rade, 

Que  bestial  sunt  comme  bestes; 

Ne  veulent  mais  garder  les  festes, 

Ne  faire  riens  que  prestres  die. 

Nes  quant  on  en  escommenie, 

Si  vont  il  arer  et  hercier, 

Buissons  derompre  et  huys  percier.  .  .  . 

Ne  doutent  Dieu  ne  que  mouton, 

Ne  ne  donrroient  un  bouton 

Des  sainz  commanz  sainte  Eglise.  .  .  . 

Pluseur  vilain  clerc  heent  trop 

Ausi  com  Esau  Jacob. 

Touz  les  heent  et  guerroient; 

Moult  en  y  a  qui  touz  vourroient 

Clers  et  prouvoires  avoir  mors. 

L'autrier  me  dist  un  vilain  ors  .  .  . 

Qu'il  vorroit  qu'il  ne  fust  c'un  prestre 

Par  tout  le  mont  sus  et  jus, 

Et  cil  pendist  touz  tens  lassus 

En  une  viez  corbeille  as  nues. 

La  sejornast  avec  les  grues 

Si  haut  que  tout  le  mont  1'oist, 

Ne  taire  ja  ne  se  poist;  .  .  . 

Tant  parheet  clers,  qu'encor  dist  il .  .  . 

Qu'avoir  vorroit  coupe"  un  doit, 

Qu'  estrangl6  fussent  d'un  lingneul 

Tuit  cil  qui  portent  chapineul.  .  .  . 

Si  font  il  communement, 

Touz  clercs  h6ent  moult  noirement.  .  .  . 

Mais  plus  ne  m'i  debaterai,  .  .  . 

Que  mors  n'i  soie  ou  d6batuz. 

(Miracle  du  vilain  qui  ne  savait  la  moitie 

de  son  Ave  Maria,  354-513) 8 

8  The  peasants  are  so  foolish  and  bold  that  they  are  more  bestial  than 
the  beasts.  They  will  not  keep  the  feasts  or  do  anything  that  the  priests 
tell  them.  Even  when  the  priests  excommunicate  some  of  them,  they  go 
on  ploughing  and  harrowing,  tearing  up  bushes  and  making  openings.  .  .  . 
They  fear  God  no  more  than  sheep  do,  and  they  would  not  give  a  button 
for  the  commands  of  holy  Church.  .  .  .     Many  peasants  hate  the  clergy 


140      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

In  his  Bestiaire,  Guillaume  le  Clerc,  author  of  the  Besant  de 
Dieu,  of  which  frequent  use  has  been  made  in  the  present  study, 
speaks  of  skepticism  in  regard  to  the  mysteries  of  the  faith  as 
not  uncommon.  He  had  been  interpreting  the  legend  of  the 
phoenix.    The  wondrous  bird,  he  explains,  signifies  our  Lord. 

En  Falter  de  la  croiz  sacree, 
Qui  tant  est  dolce  e  savoree, 
Fu  sacrefiez  cist  oisels, 
Qui  al  terz  jor  resorst  novels. 
Mes  plusors  ne  voelent  pas  creire, 
Que  la  chose  seit  issi  veire. 

(Bestiaire,  1.  793) 

It  should  be  noted  to  the  praise  of  Guillaume  that,  in  com- 
menting on  the  unbelief  of  his  generaton  as  throughout  the 
book,  he  showed  himself  the  devout  and  temperate  scholar. 
Far  from  indulging  in  vituperation  against  scoffers,  as  did 
Gautier  de  Coincy,  he  gently  deprecated  their  folly. 

Si  ont  grant  tort,  ceo  m'est  avis. 

(Bestiaire,  1.  799)  9 


exceedingly,  just  as  Esau  did  Jacob.  They  hate  them  all  and  they  con- 
tend with  them;  there  are  many  who  would  like  all  priests  and  preben- 
daries to  be  dead.  The  other  day  a  rough  peasant  said  to  me  that  he 
should  be  glad  if  there  were  only  one  priest  in  the  whole  world,  high  and 
low,  and  he  were  suspended  forever  in  an  old  basket  above  in  the  clouds; 
there  he  might  dwell  with  the  cranes  so  high  that  all  the  world  should 
hear  him,  nor  could  he  ever  be  silent.  ...  So  greatly  he  hated  the  clergy 
that  he  said  further  .  .  .  that  he  would  gladly  lose  a  finger  if  all  those 
wearing  the  cope  were  strangled  with  a  cord.  ...  So  the  peasants  usually 
t:tlk.  They  hate  all  priests  violently.  But  since  they  often  kill  and  beat 
those  who  oppose  their  follies,  I  will  not  reprove  them  further  lest  I  be 
killed  or  beaten. 

9  On  the  altar  of  the  sacred  cross,  which  is  so  sweet  and  full  of  grace, 
this  bird  was  sacrificed,  and  on  the  third  day  it  rose  again  in  fresh  strength. 
But  many  will  not  believe  that  the  fact  is  so  .  .  .  and  these  are  very 
wrong,  so  it  seems  to  me. 


DISSENT   FROM   THE   DOCTRINES    OF  THE    CHURCH  141 

Philippe  de  Novare  had  observed  the  same  incredulity: 

Plusors  fous  i  a  desesperez,  qui  en  bourdant  forfont  un 
trop  grant  pechi6:  .  .  .  ce  sont  cil  qui  blasment  les  oevres 
celestiaus  et  terrienes  que  li  Peres  createurs  fist.  .  .  .  Entre 
les  autres  choses,  dient :  "  Pourquoi  fist  Dieus  home,  por  avoir 
poine  et  travail  ou  siecle  et  tribulacions,  des  qu'il  nest  jusqu'a 
la  mort?  Et  a  la  fin,  se  il  le  trueve  en  aucun  mesfait,  si  va  en 
anfer;  portant  ne  le  delist  ja  Dieus  avoir  fait."  Ce  dient, 
et  autres  mescreanz  i  a,  qui  dient  que  touz  jors  a  este*  et  est 
et  sera  cestui  siecle,  ne  autres  ne  fu  onques,  ne  est,  ne  ne 
sera. 

(Quatre  tenz  d'aage  d'ome,  ^  140) 10 

In  the  South  of  France  the  flippant  tone  of  Peire  Cardenal 
in  regard  to  eternal  punishment  argues  an  amused  circle  of 
hearers  among  the  Provencal  nobles,  a  circle  that  owned  but 
slight  allegiance  to  their  orthodox  religious  teachers.  The 
impiety  of  Heine's  advice  to  his  "lieber  Gott"  is  here  paralleled, 
and  we  are  still  in  the  ages  of  faith  and  reverence. 

Un  sirventes  novel  vuelh  comensar 
Que  retrairai  al  jorn  del  jutjamen 
A  selh  que  m  fetz  e  m  formet  de  nien; 
Si  '1  me  cuia  de  ren  ochaizonar, 
E  si  '1  me  vol  metre  en  la  diablia, 
leu  li  dirai :  Senher,  merce  no  sia, 
Qu'el  mal  segle  trebaliey  totz  mos  ans, 
E  guardatz  me,  si  us  plai,  dels  turmentans. 

10  There  are  many  fools  in  desperate  case,  who  by  jesting  commit  a 
very  great  sin:  I  mean  those  who  find  fault  with  the  works  celestial  and 
terrestrial  which  the  Father  and  Creator  made.  .  .  .  Among  other  things 
they  say:  "Why  did  God  make  man  to  have  pain  and  labor  and  tribula- 
tion in  this  world,  from  the  time  he  was  born  till  the  day  of  his  death? 
And  at  the  end,  if  God  finds  him  in  any  fault,  he  goes  to  Hell;  surely  God 
ought  not  to  have  done  this."  They  say  this,  and  other  unbelievers  there 
are,  who  say  that  this  world  always  has  been  and  is  now  and  will  be,  and 
that  other  world  there  never  was  or  is  or  will  be. 


142      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Tota  sa  cortz  farai  meravilhar, 
Quant  auziran  lo  mieu  plaideyamen; 
Qu'ieu  die  qu'el  fai  ves  los  sieus  fallimen, 
Si  '1  los  cuia  delir  ni  enfernar; 
Quar  qui  pert  so  que  guazanhar  poiria, 
Per  bon  dreg  a  de  viutat  carestia; 
Qu'el  deu  esser  dous  e  multiplicans 
De  retener  sas  armas  trespassans. 

Ja  sa  porta  non  si  degra  vedar, 
E  sans  Peires  pren  hi  gran  aunimen, 
Quar  n'es  portiers,  mas  que  y  intres  rizen 
Quascun'  arma  que  lai  volgues  intrar. 
Quar  nulha  cortz  non  er  ja  ben  complia 
Que  l'uns  en  plor  e  que  l'autres  en  ria, 
E  sitot  s'es  sobeirans  reys  poyssans, 
Si  no  ns  obre,  sera  li  'n  faitz  demans. 

Los  diables  degra  dezeretar 
Et  agra  en  mais  d'armas  pus  soven, 
E'l  dezeret  plagra  a  tota  gen,  . .  . 
Bel  senher  dieus,  siatz  desheretans 
Dels  enemicx  enoios  e  pezans. 

leu  no  mi  vuelh  de  vos  dezesperar, 

Ans  ai  en  vos  mon  bon  esperamen; 

Per  que  devetz  m'arma  e  mon  cors  salvar, 

E  que  m  valhatz  a  mon  trespassamen; 

E  far  vos  ai  una  bella  partia, 

Que  m  tornetz  lai  don  muec  lo  premier  dia, 

O  que  m  siatz  de  mos  tortz  perdonans; 

Qu'ieu  no'ls  feira,  si  no  fos  natz  enans. 

S'ieu  ai  sai  mal,  et  en  y  fern  ardia, 
Segon  ma  fe,  tortz  e  peccatz  seria; 
Qu'ieu  vos  puesc  be  esser  recastinans, 
Que  per  un  ben  ai  de  mal  mil  aitans. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  p.  364)  u 

11  A  new  sii  vciiii  a  I  will  begin  which  I  shall  recite  on  the  day  of  Judg- 
ment to  him  who  made  me  and  formed  me  out  of  nothing.   If  he  intends 


DISSENT   FROM   THE   DOCTRINES    OF   THE    CHURCH  143 

The  patronizing  tone  of  the  poet  towards  the  anthropomor- 
phic deity  of  the  common  folk  recalls  the  remark  attributed 
to  Alfonso  of  Castile,  himself  a  member  of  the  troubadour 
circle:  "If  God  had  consulted  me  when  he  made  the  world, 
I  could  have  given  him  some  good  advice."  The  tone  is 
re-echoed  in  a  tenson  by  Daspol,  addressed,  according  to 
Meyer  (Les  dernier s  troubadours  de  France,  p.  38),  to  James  I, 
King  of  Aragon.  Nothing  more  is  known  of  Daspol  except 
that  after  1270  he  composed  also  a  Complainte  on  the  death  of 
Louis  IX.  The  tenson  is  a  transcript  of  a  dream  of  the  poet. 
Daspol  is  present  at  a  session  of  the  celestial  parliament.  The 
Lord  is  complaining  that  men  show  little  zeal  for  the  Holy  Wars. 
Whereupon  Daspol  rising  interposes  "cleverly,"  admonishing 
the  Deity  that,  if  he  expects  human  support,  he  must  distrib- 
ute temporal  blessings  with  more  regard  to  the  fitness  of  the 

to  accuse  me  of  any  sin,  and  means  to  give  me  over  to  the  devil,  I  shall 
say  to  him:  Lord,  in  thy  mercy  let  this  not  be,  for  in  the  wicked  world 
I  have  suffered  all  my  years,  but  guard  me,  if  it  please  thee,  from  the 
tormentors.  All  his  court  I  shall  cause  to  wonder  when  they  shall  hear 
my  pleading,  for  I  shall  say  that  he  acts  unjustly  towards  his  own  if  he 
intends  to  destroy  them  or  to  consign  them  to  Hell;  for  he  who  loses  what 
he  might  gain,  justly  has  lack  because  of  his  baseness,  since  he  should  be 
gentle  and  liberal  in  keeping  his  dying  souls.  Never  should  he  forbid  his 
door  [to  any],  and  Saint  Peter  merits  great  shame  from  his  office  —  for 
he  is  the  doorkeeper  —  unless  every  soul  that  desires  to  enter  there  [is 
allowed  to]  enter  smiling.  For  no  court  will  ever  be  perfect  if  one  weeps 
there,  while  another  smiles,  and  although  God  is  the  sovereign  and  power- 
ful king,  if  he  does  not  open  to  us,  he  will  be  asked  to  do  so.  He  ought  to 
drive  out  the  devils;  then  he  would  gain  more  souls  and  more  often,  and 
the  banishment  would  please  everybody.  .  .  .  Dear  Lord  God,  do  set 
about  destroying  these  vexatious  and  dangerous  enemies. 

I  will  not  despair  of  you;  rather  I  found  my  good  hope  upon  you; 
therefore  you  ought  to  save  my  soul  and  body,  and  aid  me  in  the  hour  of 
death.  And  I  have  a  fair  proposal  to  make  to  you:  that  you  either  send 
me  back  whence  I  came  the  first  day  [of  my  life]  or  pardon  me  my  sins, 
since  I  should  not  have  committed  these  sins  if  I  had  not  been  born.  By 
my  faith,  it  would  be  wrong  and  unjust  if  I  have  evil  in  this  world  and 
should  burn  in  Hell.  [In  that  case]  I  could  reproach  you  with  reason, 
since  for  a  single  good  I  should  have  a  thousand  times  as  much  ill.  .  .  . 


144      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

recipient.  Daspol  will  not  be  put  off  with  a  promise  of  retri- 
bution upon  the  wicked  after  death.  He  further  objects  that 
the  God  of  Battles  favors  the  Saracen  arms,  and  asks  why- 
divine  grace  does  not  descend  so  plenteously  upon  the  hearts 
of  the  infidels  as  to  melt  perforce  their  hardness  and  so  obviate 
all  this  costly  and  bloody  warfare.  The  answer  of  the  Lord 
avoids  the  issue,  but  affords  the  poet  a  gibe  at  the  mendicant 
orders.  Daspol  then  urges  a  request  dear  to  his  own  heart, 
one  may  guess,  a  petition  for  perfect  equality.  No  answer  is 
vouchsafed,  and  the  tenson  ends  with  a  prayer  for  the  poet's 
royal  patron. 

Seinhos,  aujas,  c'aves  saber  e  sen(s) 
Que  m'esdevenc  l'autre  ser  can  dormia: 
Sus  el  sel  fuy  on  Dieu  tenc  parlamen,  .  .  . 
E  dir  vos  ai  la  clamor  que  tenia 
De  crestians  com  reinhon  falsament, 
Car  non  deman  lo  sieu  sant  monument 
Comte  ni  due  ni  prinse  ni  cle[r]sia. 

Et  ieu  leviei,  que  respos  sapchament: 
Tort  n'aves,  Dieus,  e  prendes  autra  via, 
Car  vos  donas  poder  a  falsa  jent, 
Qu'en  fan  quex  jorn  erguell  e  vilania, 
Qu'il  non  crezon  ni  fan  ren  que  bon  sia; 
E  vos  das  lor  sobras  d'aur  e  d'argent 
Tant  que  n'estan  crestian(s)  recrezen(s), 
Car  oombatre  nos  pot  hom  cascun  dia. 

—  Daspol,  car  iest  contrarios 

Al  clers  darai  tota  malaventura, 

Et  als  ordes  tolrai  possessions, 

Que  s'ar  son  ricxs,  de  tems  n'auran  frachura, 

Pueis  dar  lur  ai  malautia  mot  dura; 

E  li  prinse  perdran  indicsions, 

Doncs  remanran  aunit(z)  e  vergoinhos 

Tant  qu'en  efern  sera  lur  sebeutura. .  . . 


DISSENT   FROM   THE   DOCTRINES   OF   THE    CHURCH  145 

—  Bel  seinher  Dieus,  ben  mot  aures  parlat, 
E  pogras  ben  revenir  sest  damnage 
S'al[sJ  Sarazins  donases  volontat 

Cascus  per  si  conogues  son  foliage; 
Pueis  non  calgra  negus  annar  a  rage 
Pueis  que  cascus  conogra  sa  foudat, 
Car  nos  prendem  mort  per  lur  viell  peccat 
E  vos  es  leu  quens  gites  a  carnage. 

—  Daspol,  de  Temple  e  d'Espital 

E  dels  ordes  comensat[z]  ab  santeza 

S'es  devengut  qu'en  luoc  de  ben  fan  mal,  .  .  . 

Car  tut(z)  son  plen(s)  d'orguelh  e  d'avareza.  .  .  . 

—  Bel  seinher  Dieus,  la  gloria  rial 
Pogras  emplir  s'esquivases  lageza; 
Pos  conoises  que  tut(z)  son  deslial 

Per  que[l]s  laisas  reinhar  en  lur  vileza? 
E  pueis  le  mont  si  pert  per  cobezeza, 
Donas  nos  tant  que  tut(z)  siam  egual; 
E  pueis  serem  tut(z)  fin  e  natural, 
Cascun  volra  pensar  de  sa  nobleza. 

(Derniers  troubadours  de  la  France,  p.  43) 12 

12  Sirs,  since  you  have  knowledge  and  wisdom,  hear  what  befell  me 
the  other  night  while  I  was  sleeping.  I  was  in  Heaven  above  where  God 
was  holding  his  parliament,  .  .  .  and  I  will  tell  you  the  complaint  that 
was  made  concerning  the  faithless  conduct  of  Christians  inasmuch  as 
counts  and  dukes  and  princes  and  priests  do  not  press  for  the  recovery 
of  his  holy  monument.  And  I  rose  and  replied  discreetly:  "You  are 
wrong,  O  God,  and  should  pursue  another  course,  for  you  give  power  to 
false  people,  who  commit  each  day  some  piece  of  pride  or  villany,  who  do 
not  believe  or  do  anything  good;  and  yet  you  give  them  excess  of  gold 
and  silver  so  that  many  Christians  suffer  thereby,  for  they  can  war  upon 
us  any  day."  —  "Daspol,  since  you  are  so  indignant,  I  will  give  ill  fortune 
to  the  clergy,  and  I  will  take  away  from  the  orders  their  possessions,  so 
that  if  they  are  now  rich,  hereafter  they  shall  have  want  because  of  it; 
then  I  will  give  to  them  trouble  very  grievous;  and  the  princes  shall  lose 
their  powers;  then  they  shall  remain  shamed  and  disgraced  until  in  Hell 
shall  be  their  sepulchre.  .  .  ."  —  "My  gracious  Lord,  you  will  have 
spoken  to  the  purpose,  and  you  will  easily  be  able  to  prevent  this  harm  if 
you  inspire  goodness  of  will  in  the  Saracens  so  that  each  one  of  them  shall 


146      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Although  these  singers  of  southern  France  were  ready  to 
condemn  the  inhumanity  of  De  Montfort  and  Louis  VIII  in 
such  satiric  songs  as  those  quoted  in  Chapter  II,  yet,  the 
specific  tenets  of  the  heretical  sects  not  interesting  these  poet 
defenders,  little  can  be  learned  concerning  the  heresies  of 
Lyons  and  Albi  from  literature.  The  main  evidence  comes  from 
the  deposition  of  prisoners  of  the  Inquisition  and  reports, 
colored  perhaps  by  the  prejudices  of  the  examiners.  The 
Nobla  leygson  and  other  Provencal  pieces  are  now  placed  not 
earlier  than  the  fifteenth  century,  after  the  primitive  doctrine 
had  been  greatly  modified  by  the  influence  of  reforming  sects 
(Montet,  Nobla  leygson,  v.  introduction).  Certain  errors 
with  which  the  Albigenses  were  charged  are  mentioned  in  the 
Novas  del  heretje  (1242  ?),  a  composition  so  astonishing  that 
one  is  tempted  to  impute  to  its  author  the  grave  irony  of  the 
Shortest  Way  with  Dissenters.  There  is,  however,  no  evidence 
that  the  author  was  not  a  sincere  bigot.  The  form  of  the  piece 
is  a  tenson  between  an  inquisitor,  Izarn,  and  a  heretic,  Sicard 
de  Figueiras.  Izarn's  methods  of  refutation  have  at  least  the 
merit  of  being  effective,  for  in  the  end  Sicard  retracts  his  errors, 
after  stipulating  that  he  be  given  a  suitable  reward  for  his 
apostasy.  Although  Meyer  inclines  to  accept  the  recantation 
of  Sicard  as  an  historical  event,  yet  the  effrontery  attributed 
to  Sicard  throws  the  record  under  suspicion.  But,  shorn  of 
the  misapprehensions  and  misrepresentations  of  an  enemy, 
Izarn's  charges  prove  the  prevalence  of  independent  theological 

recognize  his  folly;  then  no  one  will  care  to  fight  since  each  will  see  his 
error.  But  now  we  suffer  death  for  their  ancient  sin,  and  you  care  little 
that  you  are  sending  us  to  be  slaughtered."  —  "Daspol,  among  the  Temp- 
lars and  the  Hospitalers  and  the  orders  begun  in  holiness  it  has  come  to 
pass  that  in  place  of  doing  good  they  do  evil,  ...  for  they  are  filled  with 
pride  and  avarice."  —  "  My  gracious  Lord,  you  would  be  able  to  fill  your 
regal  dignity,  if  you  avoided  baseness.  Since  you  know  that  they  are  all 
treacherous,  why  do  you  allow  them  to  reign  in  their  wickedness?  And 
since  the  world  is  ruined  by  covetousness,  grant  us  perfect  equality;  and 
then  we  shall  all  be  sincere  and  filled  with  natural  goodness:  each  one  will 
five  according  to  his  inborn  nobility." 


DISSENT   FROM   THE   DOCTRINES   OF   THE    CHURCH  147 

speculation  in  southern  France.  The  heresies  condemned  are 
the  belief  in  the  inherent  evil  of  matter  and  the  consequent 
dualistic  constitution  of  the  universe,  the  right  of  the  laity  to 
administer  the  sacraments  as  opposed  to  the  exclusive  preroga- 
tive of  the  priesthood  in  such  offices,  the  substitution  of  a 
spiritual  for  a  corporeal  resurrection,  and  a  curiously  modified 
form  of  metempsychosis.* 

Diguas  me  tu,  heretje,  pari'  ap  me  .j.  petit, 
Que  (tu)  non  parlaras  gaire  que  jat  sia  grazit, 
Si  per  forsa  not  ve,  segon  c'avem  auzit. .  .  . 
Ta  fe  e  ton  baptisme  renegat  e  guerpit, 
Car  crezes  que  diables  t'a  format  e  bastit, 
E  tan  mal  a  obrat  e  tan  mal  a  ordit, 
Pot  dar  salvatio.  ...  (11.  1-7) 

Ar  pauzem  o  aisi  com  tu  dizes  que  fo, 

Que  t'aia  fach  diable  del  cap  tro  al  talo, 

Carn  et  osses  e  membres  d'entorn  e  d'eviro.  .  .  .  (11.  46-48) 

Tu  non  cres  que  Dieu  aia  eel  ni  terra  creat, 

Ni  lunha  ren  c'om  veya,  prezen  ni  trespassat; ...  (11.  135-136) 

After  citing  authorities,  Izarn  further  strengthens  his  argument. 

E  s'aquestz  no  vols  creyre,  vec  tel  foe  aizinat 
Que  art  tos  compahos.  .  . .  (11.  150,  151) 

Tu  non  crez(es)  c'om  ni  femna  puesca  ressucitar 

Pus  a  fag  pols  ni  terra,  nis  vengua  razonar 

Davan  lo  jutjamen  on  tug  devem  anar,  .  .  . 

E  tu  dizes,  heretje,  cauza  que  nos  pot  far 

Nis  pot  endevenir  ni  nos  pot  acabar: 

Dizes  que  carn  novela  venra  renovelar 

Los  esperitz  dels  homes  en  ques  devo  salvar.  ...  (11.  229-269) 

Malaventural  vengua  qui  la  costuma  i  mes 
Qu'entre  mas  de  pages  baptismes  se  fezes, 
Que  mou  de  tras  las  fedas  que  anc  no  saup  que  s'es, 
Letra  ni  escriptura,  ni  anc  non  fon  apres 


148      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Mais  d'arar  e  de  foire (U .  379-383) 

On  atrobas  escrig  ni  don  o  as  avut 

C'aquel  teu  esperit  que  tu  as  receuput 

Sia  d'aquels  del  eel  que  sai  foron  plogut, 

Que  y  ponhero  .ix.  dias  ans  que  fosson  cazut.  .  . . 

Lucibel.  .  .  . 

Ab  tota  sa  companha  qu'eron  de  son  crezut 

Trabuqueron  aval:  d'angel[s]  qu'eron  vezut, 

Preclars  e  resplandens,  eron  endevengut, 

Que  torneron  diable  fer,  negre  e  morrut, 

Que  jamais  per  lunh  temps  non  trobaran  salut, 

Remezi  ni  merce,  que  tot  o  an  perdut.  .  .  . 

Pus  azaut  messorguier  non  ai  en  loc  saubut, .  .  . 

Motas  messorguas  dizes  de  que  non  t'ai  crezut, 

Mai  te  volria  aver  tra'inat  o  pendut. 

Di  me  de  cal  escola  as  tu  aiso  avut 

Que  l'esperit  de  Thome,  cant  a  lo  cors  perdut, 

Se  meta  en  buou,  (o)  en  aze  o  en  motu  cornut, 

En  pore  o  en  galina,  el  premier  c'a  vezut, 

E  va  de  l'un  en  l'autre,  tro  que  y  a  cors  nascut, 

0  d'ome  o  de  femna;  aqui  a  loc  sauput, 

Aqui  fai  penedensa  et  a  lone  temps  tengut 

E  tostems  o  tenra,  tro  sia  endevengut 

Lo  dia  del  juzizi,  que  deu  cobrar  salut 

E  tornar  en  [la]  gloria  el  loc  que  a  perdut. 

Aiso  fas  tu  conoisser  a  Thome  deceuput 

C'as  donat  al  diable  e  Tas  de  Dieu  mogut.  .  .  . 

(11.  452-515) 

Huey  mai  d'aissi  avan  non  seras  esperatz : 
Si  aras  no't  confessas,  lo  foe  es  alucatz, 
El  corn  va  per  la  vilal  pobol  es  amassatz 
Per  vezer  la  justizia,  c'ades  seras  crematz.     (11.  526-529) 13 

(Novas  del  heretje) 

13  Speak  to  me,  heretic,  tell  me  a  few  things,  for  thou  wilt  say  little  of 
thy  free  will  and  without  compulsion,  according  to  what  we  have  heard. 
Thou  hast  denied  and  abandoned  thy  faith  and  thy  baptism,  for  thou 
believest  that  the  Devil  has  made  and  formed  thee,  and  though  he  has 
wrought  and  woven  such  evil,  can  give  salvation.  .  .  .     Now  let  us  con- 


DISSENT   FROM   THE   DOCTRINES   OF   THE    CHURCH  149 

In  a  work  written  for  circulation  among  a  group  of  clergy- 
men, the  Lamenta  of  Matheolus,  occurs  at  once  the  greatest 
irreverence  and  the  freest  dissent  from  orthodox  tenets.  Much 
of  the  book  is  veritable  buffoonery,  yet  the  author  displays  a 
keen  interest  in  the  mooted  questions  of  the  day.  He  takes 
issue  first  with  the  fundamental  dogmas  of  inherited  sin  and 
the  consequent  need  of  redemption.     The  discussion  assumes 

sider  how  thou  explainest  creation,  that  the  Devil  made  thee  from  head 
to  heel,  flesh  and  bones  and  all  parts  of  the  body.  .  .  .     Thou  dost  not 
believe  that  God  created  heaven  and  earth  and  all  visible  things,  present 
and  past.  .  .  .     And  if  thou  wilt  not  believe  these  [writers  of  Scripture], 
see  the  fire  all  ready,  which  is  burning  thy  companions.  .  .  .     Thou  dost 
not  believe  that  the  soul,  of  man  or  woman,  can  rise  again,  since  it  is  made 
of  dust  and  earth,  nor  dost  thou  believe  that  it  shall  render  account  before 
the  Judgment-Seat,  where  we  must  all  go,  .  .  .  and  thou  sayest,  heretic, 
that  such  a  thing  cannot  happen,  cannot  come  to  pass,  cannot  be  accom- 
plished.    Thou  sayest  that  new  flesh  shall  invest  the  spirits  of  those  who 
are  to  be  saved.  .  .  .     Evil  fall  upon  him  who  established  the  custom  that 
baptism  is  performed  by  the  hands  of  a  peasant,  coming  from  among  his 
sheep,  knowing  nothing  of  letters  or  Scripture,  never  having  learned  aught 
except  ploughing  and  digging!  .  .  .    Where  didst  thou  find  it  written,  on 
what  grounds  dost  thou  assert,  that  the  spirit  thou  hast  received  is  one 
of  those  who  fell  like  rain  from  Heaven,  who  strove  nine  days  before  they 
were  hurled  down.  .  .  .     Lucibel  and  all  the  company  who  were  of  his 
faith,  they  were  cast  out:   no  longer  angels  as  they  had  before  appeared, 
shining  and  resplendent,  they  were  changed  into  devils,  horrible,  black 
and  thicklipped,  who  never  at  any  time  will  find  salvation,  pardon  or 
mercy,  for  they  have  lost  all  this.  ...     A  more  clever  liar  than  thou  art 
I  have  never  known;  thou  tellest  many  falsehoods,  none  of  which  I  have 
believed.     I  should  like  to  see  thee  dragged  about  or  hanged.     Tell  me  in 
what  school  thou  hast  learned  that  the  spirit  of  man,  when  it  has  lost  its 
body,  enters  into  an  ox,  an  ass,  a  horned  sheep,  a  swine  or  a  hen,  into  the 
first  creature  it  has  seen,  and  passes  from  one  body  to  another,  until  a 
human  being  is  born,  man  or  woman;    there  in  its  recognized  home,  it 
does  penance,  and  has  occupied  this  body  for  a  long  while,  and  will  occupy 
it,  until  the  Day  of  Judgment,  when  it  is  destined  to  obtain  salvation  and 
to  return  in  glory  to  the  place  that  it  lost.     So  thou  tellest  to  the  deceived 
man  whom  thou  hast  given  to  the  Devil  and  removed  from  God.  .  .  . 
Henceforth  no  further  hope  shall  be  held  out  to  thee;   if  thou  dost  not 
confess,  the  fire  is  lighted,  the  trumpet  is  sounding  through  the  town,  the 
people  are  collected  to  see  justice  done,  and  thou  shalt  be  burnt  at  once. 


150      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

the  form  of  a  dialogue  between  the  poet  and  the  Lord.  The 
latter  is  allowed  the  victory,  but,  as  the  poet's  challenge  is 
both  more  neatly  phrased  and  developed  at  greater  length, 
it  is  hard  not  to  suspect  that  the  author's  sympathies  lay  with 
the  prosecution. 

Ha,  Dieux,  que  je  me  doy  bien  plaindre 
De  toy;  ainsi  ne  puet  remaindre 
Que  mes  plains  ne  te  doye  dire.  .  . . 
Quant  tu  li  donnas  tele  couple 
Preveans  les  choses  futures  . . . 
Sur  toy  doit  tourner  la  penance.  . . . 
Pourquoy  as  tu  donne"  au  monde 
La  mort,  od  tout  tourment  habonde, 
Par  le  premerain  mariage? 

(Lamenta,  iii,  77-113) 

Car  comme  tu  soyes  tenus 
A  tous  saulver,  grans  et  menus, 
Pourquoy  nous,  pecheeurs,  menaces 
Et  nous  condempnes  et  enlaces 
Sans  fin  a  pardurable  paine 
Pour  une  coulpe  momentaine? 
La  paine,  qui  droit  veult  compter 
Ne  doit  le  mesfait  seurmonter. 
Pourquoy  sommes  nous  telement 
Tourmentes  pardurablement 
Pour  pechie  petit  et  legier? 
On  doit  les  paines  allegier; 
Raison  veult  qu'on  les  apetice.  .  .  . 
Dont  appert  que  saulver  nous  doives 
.  .  .  ou  autrement 
Ta  redemption  seroit  vaine.  .  .  . 
Mais  la  mort  fu  par  toy  estainte, 
Car  s'elle  pouoit  revenir 
Et  nous  en  ses  tourmens  tenir, 
Tousjours  nous  seroit  ennemie; 
L'omme  par  toy  ne  seroit  mie 
Rachet6s  bien  suffisamment.  . . . 


DISSENT   FROM   THE    DOCTRINES    OF   THE    CHURCH  151 

Et  se  tu  dis  que  nos  pechie's,  .  .  . 
Nous  font  a  tousjours  condempner, 
J 'argue  que  tu  ne  veuls  mie 
Mort  du  pecheeur,  mais  la  vie.  .  . . 
Les  mauvais  qui  font  les  mesfais, 
Ne  peuent  empeschier  tes  fais, 
N'obvier  a  ta  voulont6; 
Car  pouoir  et  vouloir  ente" 
As  a  nostre  salvation.  .  .  . 
Doncques  s'ensuit  il  vrayement .  .  . 
Que  saulver  les  doyes  et  vueilles. 
Se  ta  pitie  ne  te  remort, 
Tu  es  cause  de  nostre  mort. 

(Lamenta,  iii,  1301-1424)  M 

The  Lord  at  first  is  represented  as  defending  himself  in  the 
fashion  of  the  schoolmen;  the  defence  ends  in  a  jest  that 
Matheolus,  at  least,  has  nothing  to  fear,  having  suffered  his 
Purgatory  on  earth  with  his  wife.  Then  the  author  returns 
to  his  own  argument  more  seriously: 

"  My  Lord,  what  good  reason  I  have  to  complain  of  thee;  and  so  it 
cannot  be  expected  that  I  should  not  express  my  complaints  to  thee.  .  .  . 
Since  thou  createdst  such  a  pair  [Adam  and  Eve  J,  when  thou  didst  foresee 
the  future,  the  penalty  ought  to  fall  upon  thee.  .  .  .  Why  didst  thou  bring 
into  the  world  by  the  first  marriage  death,  in  which  every  torment  abounds? 
.  .  .  Now  since  thou  art  bound  to  save  us  all,  great  and  small,  why  dost 
thou  menace  us,  poor  sinners,  and  condemn  us  to  continuous  pain  without 
end  for  a  brief  fault?  If  one  reckons  justly,  the  pain  ought  not  to  exceed 
the  fault.  Why  then  are  we  tormented  eternally  for  a  brief  and  trivial 
sin?  The  punishments  should  be  lightened;  reason  demands  that  they 
be  lessened.  ...  It  is  clear  then  that  thou  shouldst  save  us  ...  or  else 
thy  redemption  would  be  vain.  .  .  .  Now  death  was  destroyed  by  thee, 
for  if  it  could  return  and  hold  us  in  its  torments  it  would  ever  be  our  foe, 
and  man  would  not  be  fully  ransomed  by  thee.  ...  And  if  thou  sayest 
that  our  sins  cause  us  to  be  condemned  forever,  I  maintain  that  thou 
wishest  not  the  death  of  the  sinner,  but  his  life.  .  .  .  The  wicked  cannot 
by  their  sins  prevent  the  exercise  of  thy  goodness  or  oppose  thy  power, 
for  thou  hast  power  and  desire  in  abundance  for  our  salvation.  .  .  .  Since 
then  it  follows  truly  .  .  .  that  it  is  both  thy  duty  and  desire  to  save  us, 
if  thy  pity  does  not  incline  thee  to  mercy,  thou  art  the  cause  of  our  death. 


152      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Di  pourquoy,  par  quelle  raison, 
Pour  le  peclne"  d'Adam  punie 
Est  sa  sequelle  et  sa  lignie. 
S'il  y  a  mesfait  ou  meschief 
II  doit  tousjours  suir  le  chief.  .  .  . 
Si  puet  on  bien  arguer  doncques 
Que  la  lignie  d'Adam  n6e 
N'est  pas  par  son  mesfait  dampn6e. 
Car  par  droit  et  selon  justice 
Cil  qui  a  fait  le  malefice 
Doit  souffrir  la  punicion.  .  .  . 
Aussi  cil  qui  rien  ne  mesfait 
Ne  doit  pas  pour  autruy  mesfait 
Encourir  paine  ne  sentence.  .  .  . 
Autruy  pechie  ne  luy  doit  nuire;  .  .  . 
Chascun  doit  soustenir  sa  charge 
Selon  sa  coulpe  estroite  ou  large. 
Se  les  peres  veulent  mesprendre, 
Leur  mesfait  ne  doit  pas  descendre 
Sur  les  fils,  ce  dit  l'Escripture; 
Si  semble  estre  contre  droiture 
Que  la  lignie  soit  dampnable 
Du  fait  dont  elle  est  non  coupable. 

(Lamenta,  iii,  2402-2430) 15 

The  defence  is  —  with  intent?  —  rather  weakly  managed. 
The  poet  had  asked  why,  Adam's  own  guilt  being  admitted, 
the  punishment  must  descend  upon  those  who  had  no  part  in 

"  Declare  then  by  what  right  the  succession  and  lineage  of  Adam  is 
punished  for  his  sin.  If  there  is  sin  or  evil,  the  punishment  should  fall 
upon  the  evildoer.  .  .  .  Therefore  one  can  argue  justly  that  the  lineage 
born  of  Adam  is  not  condemned  for  his  sin,  since  by  right  and  justice  he 
who  has  done  the  wrong  ought  to  suffer  the  punishment.  ...  In  like 
manner  he  who  has  done  no  wrong  ought  to  incur  no  punishment  or 
penalty,  for  another's  transgression.  The  sin  of  another  ought  not  to 
affect  him.  .  .  .  Each  one  ought  to  bear  his  own  burden,  according  to 
his  fault,  great  or  small.  If  the  fathers  do  evil,  their  misdeeds  should  not 
descend  to  their  sons,  so  says  the  Scripture;  therefore  it  is  manifestly 
contrary  to  justice  that  the  human  race  be  condemned  for  the  sin  of  which 
it  is  not  guilty. 


DISSENT   FROM   THE    DOCTRINES    OF   THE    CHURCH  153 

the  original  transgression.    The  answer  is  merely  that  the  sin 
was  great: 

La  coulpe  d'Adam  est  trouvee 

De  tel  crime  et  de  tel  outrage 

Qu'il  confisca  son  heritage, 

Pour  ses  enfans  exhereder. 

(Lamenta,  iii,  2442) 16 

By  favor  of  the  poet,  the  Lord  is  further  allowed  to  urge 
that,  after  all,  since  grace  is  freely  proffered,  it  is  man's  own 
fault  if  he  suffer  eternally.  The  answer  of  the  Deity  is  so  un- 
gracious that  the  reader's  sympathy  remains  with  the  ques- 
tioner. The  whole  tone  of  this  remarkable  dialogue  suggests 
the  spirit  of  Lucian  rather  than  the  reverence  of  a  believer. 

In  the  course  of  the  discussion  Matheolus  touches  upon  the 
topic  of  free  will,  that  problem  which  sharpened  the  wits  of  so 
many  a  medieval  theologian.  Jean  de  Meung  was  even  more 
keenly  interested  in  the  subject,  devoting  nine  hundred  and 
thirteen  lines  of  Nature's  confession  to  a  subtle  treatment  of 
the  vexed  question.  Chiefly  noteworthy  from  the  point  of 
view  of  the  present  study  is  the  stress  laid  upon  reason  as 
arbiter.    Subjoined  are  typical  passages  from  each  writer. 

J'ay  donne"  raison  et  courage 
A  chascun  par  franc  arbitrage 
Si  que  il  puist  bien  et  mal  faire; 
Car  se  l'omme  tel  don  eiist 
Que  de  soy  pechier  ne  peust, 
Point  de  remuneracion  . .  . 
Ne  peust  ou  deiist  avoir.  . . . 
A  luy  tient,  j'en  fay  mon  devoir. 
Prest  suy  qu'au  besoing  le  sequeure; 
S'il  n'est  sauves,  en  luy  demeure, 
Non  pas  en  moy,  en  verity. 

(Lamenta,  iii,  2311) " 


16  The  fault  of  Adam  is  considered  of  so  heinous  and  outrageous  a 
nature,  that  he  forfeited  his  heritage  so  as  to  disinherit  his  children. 

17  I  have  given  reason  and  courage  to  each  with  free  will  so  that  he  can 
do  good  or  ill;  .  .  .  for  if  man  were  of  such  a  nature  that  he  could  not 


154      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Mes  raisonnable  creature, 

Soit  mortex  hons,  soit  divins  anges,  .  .  . 

S'el  se  mescongnoist  comme  nices, 

Ce  d6faut  li  vient  de  ses  vices 

Que  le  sens  li  troble  et  enivre; 

Car  il  puet  bien  Raison  ensivre; 

Et  puet  de  franc  voloir  user; 

N'est  riens  qui  Ten  puist  excuser. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  18797) 18 

In  the  appeal  to  reason  in  theological  discussion  lies  the 
promise,  at  least,  of  universal  tolerance.  We  can  measure  the 
originality  and  independence  of  such  views  by  contrasting  them 
with  the  saying  of  Louis  IX: 

A  man  ought  never  to  dispute  with  an  unbeliever  except 
with  his  sword,  which  he  ought  to  drive  into  the  heretic's 
heart  as  far  as  he  can. 

Guillaume  le  Clerc  advises  a  course  that  is  akin  to  the  mod- 
ern position  of  personal  responsibility  in  articles  of  faith. 
One  must  not,  certainly,  press  the  apparent  liberality  of  the 
counsel  too  far,  yet  the  author's  reliance  in  reason  as  a  test  of 
truth  is  very  plain.  He  had  been  speaking  of  the  wise  ant 
which,  passing  by  the  rye  and  barley,  selected  the  grain. 

Tu  crestiens,  qui  en  Deu  creiz 
E  l'escripture  entenz  e  veiz, 
Fent  e  devise  sagement 
La  lettre  del  vel  testament ! 
Ceo  est  a  dire  e  a  entendre, 
Que  tu  ne  deiz  mie  trop  prendre 

sin  of  his  own  will,  he  neither  could  or  ought  to  have  recompense.  .  .  .  All 
depends  upon  himself;  I  have  done  my  duty  in  the  matter.  I  am  ready 
to  aid  him  at  need;  if  he  is  not  saved,  the  fault  is  his  own,  not  mine,  in 
truth. 

18  But  if  a  reasonable  creature,  whether  a  mortal  man  or  divine  angel, 
misbehaves  like  the  fool,  this  fault  comes  from  his  vices,  for  his  passions 
confuse  him  and  overpower  him;  for  he  can  follow  reason,  and  can  exercise 
freely  his  power  of  will.     Nothing  can  excuse  him  from  doing  so. 


DISSENT   FROM   THE   DOCTRINES   OF   THE    CHURCH  155 

Tot  quanque  l'escripture  dit 
Selonc  la  lettre,  qui  occit, 
Mes  l'esperit,  qui  vivifie. 
Ceo  ne  deiz  tu  oblier  mie. 

(Bestiaire,  941) 19 

In  the  Romance  of  the  Rose,  the  author  maintains  almost  the 
attitude  of  the  Renaissance  scholars;  he  embellishes  his  pages 
with  plenteous  quotations  from  the  classics  he  venerates,  yet, 
in  the  discussion  of  really  vital  questions,  he  supports  his  opin- 
ion by  an  appeal  to  reason.  The  symbolic  expression  of  his 
rationalizing  temper  is  the  important  part  allotted  to  Reason 
in  the  action  of  the  poem.*  Possibly  Jean  de  Meung's  admira- 
tion for  Boethius  had  much  to  do  with  determining  this  result. 
In  the  work  of  the  Latin  scholar,  it  will  be  remembered,  Phi- 
losophy consoles  her  life-long  devotee  in  his  prison.  The  role 
of  Philosophy  is,  in  the  Romance  of  the  Rose,  partly  given  over 
to  Reason.  Scarcely  had  Jean  de  Meung  taken  up  the  pen  to 
continue  the  pretty  love-story  of  Guillaume  de  Lorris  than  he 
introduced  Reason  as  the  lover's  guide.  In  conjunction  with 
Nature  it  is  she  who  brings  the  lover's  fortunes  to  a  happy  issue. 
Now  Jean  de  Meung  was  more  interested  in  applying  reason  to 
ethical  problems  than  to  dogmas.  Asceticism  found  in  him 
an  uncompromising  foe  and  to  win  the  battle  he  was  forced  to 
set  nature  and  reason  above  authority.  In  this  rationalizing 
temper  and  in  the  belief  that  the  inclinations  are  a  safe  guide 
of  conduct,  Jean  de  Meung  was  in  revolt  against  the  conven- 
tions of  his  age.  He  belonged  in  spirit  to  the  school  of  Epicurus 
and  Lucretius,  and  along  the  path  that  he  made  followed 
Rabelais,  Montaigne,  La  Fontaine  and  Moliere.  "Fay  ce 
que  voldras"  might  well  have  been  a  text  for  them  all. 


19  You,  Christian,  who  believe  in  God  and  understand  and  know  the 
Scripture,  consider  wisely  and  break  open  the  letter  of  the  Old  Testament. 
I  mean  by  this,  that  you  ought  not  at  all  to  take  what  the  Scripture  says 
according  to  the  letter,  which  kills,  but  according  to  the  spirit,  which  gives 
life.     This  you  ought  never  to  forget. 


156      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

If  now  it  may  be  assumed  that  the  citations  offered  are  rep- 
resentative of  the  protest  of  the  age  against  ecclesiastical  su- 
premacy, it  may  be  concluded  that,  in  the  period  studied,  there 
was  little  or  no  opposition  to  the  ceremonial  or  to  the  discipline 
of  the  Church,  that  disapproval  of  the  morals  of  the  clergy, 
particularly  of  the  Mendicant  Orders,  was  widespread  and  out- 
spoken, that  resentment  was  keen  against  papal  claims  to  con- 
trol the  universities  and  to  play  an  important  part  in  civil 
affairs,  and  that  perhaps  no  doctrine  had  passed  unchallenged, 
even  if  the  attack  was  timorous  and  irresponsible.  Conflict 
with  a  highly  organized  institution  had  called  forth  no  mean 
amount  of  courage,  and  compelled  the  assertion,  in  however 
humble  a  degree,  of  the  individual's  right  to  decide  for  himself 
in  questions  of  faith  and  ethics.* 


CHAPTER  V 

THE    ROMANCE    OF    THE    ROSE 
AND  THE  PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  ASCETIC  IDEAL   OF  THE  CHURCH 

In  the  preceding  chapters  frequent  allusion  has  been  made 
to  the  most  influential  poem  of   the  thirteenth  century,  The 
Romance  of  the  Rose.     As  is  well  known,  this  remarkable  work 
consists  of  two  parts,  the  first  of  4669  lines  composed  by  Guil- 
laume  de  Lorris,  the  second  of  18,148  lines  by  Jean  de  Meung. 
The  story,  cast  by  the  earlier  poet  in  the  conventional  vision 
form,  describes  a  lover's  pursuit  of  his  beloved,  figured  under 
the  attempt  to  pluck  a  rose  in  the  garden  of  delight.     The 
lover  is  all  but  successful  when  the  guardians  of  the  rose  rally 
to  its  defence,  and  shut  up  Bel  Acueil,  or  Fair  Welcome,  the 
lover's  friend,  in  a  tower.     With  this  untoward  event  Guil- 
laume's  part  broke  off.    It  was  left  for  Jean  de  Meung  to  rescue 
the  faithful  friend  and  bestow  the  fair  rose  upon  the  lover. 
But  Jean  de  Meung  also  infused  the  obvious  symbolism  of  his 
predecessor  with  a  far  deeper  allegory  of  his  own.    As  soon  as 
he  took  up  the  courtly  romance,  the  love  motive  suffered  a 
sea-change.     In  the  earlier  part  of  the  poem,  that  written  by 
Guillaume  de  Lorris,  the  chief  obstacle  to  the  lover's  success  is 
the  lady's  caprice;   in  the  continuation  Jean  de  Meung  sharp- 
ened the  issue  to  a  polemic  against  asceticism.    With  caustic 
art    he    ranged    False-Seeming    and    Constrained    Abstinence 
among  the  host  of  Love,  their  task  being  to  assail  the  postern- 
door.    In  the  end  Venus  interposes  to  grant  the  lover  his  desire. 
Jean  de  Meung  had  thus  got  hold  of  a  true  allegorical  motive: 
the  eternal  struggle  of  two  opposing  tendencies  in  society,  al- 
though since  he  was  not  a  great  allegorist,  like  Bunyan,  in  the 
white  heat  of  whose  imagination  action  and  symbol  fuse  into 


158      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

one,  passages  in  which  he  expounded  his  own  views  or  de- 
nounced the  friars  sound  like  digressions.  They  are  digres- 
sions only  in  the  sense  that  the  author  abandoned  the  symbolic 
exposition  for  the  literal. 

Jean  de  Meung's  work  has  been  placed  by  some  at  the  close 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  by  others  a  score  of  years  earlier. 
The  author's  unprecedented  boldness  in  attacking  the  sacer- 
dotal caste  might  argue  for  the  years  following  the  famous 
bull,  Clericis  laicos  (1296),  when  Philip  the  Fair  welcomed 
assailants  of  the  papal  hierarchy,  but  the  best  French 
scholars,  Lanson,  Langlois,  Paris  and  others  incline  to  the 
earlier  date. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  Romance  of  the  Rose  is  to  be  considered 
the  clearest  expression  of  the  rationalizing  temper  in  the  thir- 
teenth century.  As  the  citations  previously  offered  have 
shown,  Jean  de  Meung  applied  the  test  of  reason  to  the  institu- 
tions and  beliefs  of  his  day.  Over  his  mind  the  glamour  of 
sentiment  had  no  charm,  and  he  was  almost  equally  unfettered 
by  conventions.  He  ascribed  the  most  selfish  motives  to  the 
founders  of  the  monarchy  and  the  nobility,  and  showed  no  more 
respect  for  their  descendants;  he  demanded  that  the  priest- 
hood win  veneration  by  pure  living,  not  by  the  bishop's  con- 
secration; he  defended  the  University  of  Paris  as  the  citadel 
of  free  thought;  he  made  Reason  the  protagonist  of  his  great 
work.  So  too  he  was  the  foremost  opponent  of  asceticism  as 
an  unnatural  and  unintelligent  theory.  The  present  chapter 
will  set  forth  his  and  other  protests  against  the  dominant 
monkish  ideal. 

In  speaking  of  the  opposition  to  asceticism  led  by  Jean  de 
Meung,  it  is  not  implied  that  the  medieval  Church  ever  enjoined 
renunciation  as  essential.  But  in  the  Middle  Ages,  as  in  no 
other  period,  was  the  body  held  to  be  necessarily  at  war  with 
the  soul.  On  the  other  hand,  fasting,  flagellation,  uncleanness 
of  body,  were  then  extolled  as  positive  virtues.  Each  monastic 
order  was  founded  to  express  in  ever  stricter  form  the  passion- 
ate striving  after  the  subdual  of  the  flesh.    Saint  Louis  wore  a 


PROTEST  AGAINST   ASCETICISM  159 

hair  shirt  day  and  night,  washed  the  feet  of  beggars,  made  two 
of  his  daughters  nuns,  and  gave  to  his  sons  a  monkish  educa- 
tion. The  orthodox  view  of  this  world  was  that  expressed  in 
the  well-known  twelfth  century  Latin  poem  by  Bernard  of 
Cluny. 

The  world  is  very  evil, 

The  times  are  waxing  late; 
Be  sober  and  keep  vigil, 

The  Judge  is  at  the  gate.  .  .  . 
Brief  life  is  here  our  portion; 

Brief  sorrow,  short-lived  care : 
The  life  that  knows  no  ending, 

The  deathless  life  is  There  .... 
The  miserable  pleasures 

Of  the  body  shall  decay; 
The  bland  and  flattering  struggles 
Of  the  flesh  shall  pass  away. 

(The  Celestial  Country,  tr.  J.  M.  Neale) 

The  natural  corollary  to  such  an  opinion  of  the  present  world 
is  the  exaltation  of  a  life  spent  in  preparation  for  the  next  and 
of  the  celibate  state  as  offering  the  fewest  obstacles  to  such  a 
life.  And  so  we  have  the  legend  of  Saint  Cecilia  and  the  host 
of  virgin  martyrs. 

In  the  Romance  of  the  Rose  we  breathe  no  such  rarefied  air. 
Although  Jean  de  Meung  subscribed  himself  a  believer  in  the 
tenets  of  the  Church,  he  was  untouched  by  the  spirituality  of 
its  message.  His  concern  was  with  the  establishment  on  earth 
of  a  community  wherein  theft  and  violence  should  exist  no 
more  because  poverty  and  oppression  were  unknown.  What- 
ever did  not  fit  in  with  such  an  ideal  he  combated  as  danger- 
ous. He  clashed,  accordingly,  with  the  monastic  orders  in 
their  glorification  of  celibacy.  He  himself  reduced  love  and 
marriage  to  the  plane  of  social  economics.  Like  the  monarchy, 
marriage  is  to  him  not  a  divine  institution,  but  the  mere 
result  of  social  necessity;  it  is  a  device  to  keep  the  strong 
man  from  carrying  off  the  wife  of  a  weaker  man.    Nature  has 


160      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

nothing  to  say  to  such  an  arrangement.    The  oft  quoted  pas- 
sage is  as  follows: 

D'autre  part,  el  [les  femmes]  sunt  franches  nees; 

Loi  Jes  a  conditioners, 

Qui  les  oste  de  lor  franchises 

Oh  Nature  les  avoit  mises; 

Car  Nature  n'est  pas  si  sote 

Qu'ele  feist  nestre  Marote 

Tant  solement  por  Robichon  .  . . 

Ne  Robichon  por  Mariete; .  .  . 

Ains  nous  a  fait,  biau  filz,  n'en  doutes, 

Toutes  por  tous,  et  tous  por  toutes, . . . 

Si  que  quant  eus  sunt  affiees, 

Par  loi  prises  et  mariees, 

Por  oster  dissolucions 

Et  contens  et  occisions, 

Et  por  aidier  les  norretures 

Dont  il  ont  ensemble  les  cures, 

Si  s'esforcent  en  toutes  guises 

De  retourner  a  lor  franchises 

Les  dames  et  les  damoiseles. 

In  primitive  society  the  beautiful  woman  was  snatched  from 
her  husband. 

Si  que  jadis  s'entretuoient, 
Et  les  norretures  lessoient, 
Ains  que  Ten  feist  manages 
Par  le  conseil  des  homes  sages. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  14822-14863) x 


1  Women  are  born  free;  it  is  law  that  has  reduced  their  estate  by  taking 
away  the  freedom  with  which  Nature  had  endowed  them;  for  Nature  is 
not  so  foolish  as  to  create  Marote  solely  for  Robichon,  or  Robichon  for 
Mariete.  Rather,  dear  son,  do  not  doubt  that  she  has  made  all  women 
for  all  men,  and  all  men  for  all  women.  ...  So  that  when  matrons  and 
young  girls  are  affianced,  and  given  in  marriage  by  law,  to  prevent  sepa- 
rations and  strife  and  murder,  and  to  aid  the  bringing  up  of  children  by 
giving  these  the  care  of  both  parents,  they  strive  in  every  way  to  recover 
their  freedom.  .  .  .  Because  men  killed  one  another  [to  obtain  a  beau- 
tiful woman])  and  neglected  the  rearing  of  their  children,  for  this  reason 
was  marriage  devised  by  the  counsel  wof  ise  men. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   ASCETICISM  161 

This  view  of  marriage  diverges,  of  course,  widely  from  the 
teaching  of  the  Church,  which  called  marriage  a  sacrament, 
and  made  the  human  relation  a  type  of  the  mystic  union  of 
Christ  and  the  Church.  Much  later  certain  of  the  Reformed 
churches  defined  marriage  as  a  civil  contract,  but  in  his  day 
Jean  de  Meung  stood  almost  alone.  The  chief  justification  of 
his  attack  on  celibacy  Jean  de  Meung  found  in  the  need  of 
preserving  the  human  race.  He  was  a  fore-runner  of  the 
modern  eugenists  in  his  appreciation  of  the  duty  that  each 
generation  owes  to  posterity. 

Mes  ge  sai  bien,  pas  n'el  devin, 
Continuer  l'estre  devin 
A  son  pooir  voloir  deust 
Quiconques  a  fame  g6ust,  .  .  . 
Por  ce  que  tuit  sunt  corrumpable.  .  .  . 
Car  puis  que  pere  et  mere  faillent, 
Vuet  Nature  que  les  fil  saillent 
Por  recontinuer  ceste  ovre, 
Si  que  par  l'un  l'autre  recovre. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  5124) 2 

One  of  the  admirers,  or  imitators,  of  Jean  de  Meung,  Mathe- 
olus,  is  even  more  radical  than  his  master.  The  Lamenta,  it 
should  be  conceded,  was  written  for  private  circulation  only, 
and  for  a  group  of  clerics,  who  might  be  supposed  to  possess 
the  theological  acumen  necessary  to  sift  the  wheat  from  the 
bran  of  the  author's  teaching.  Matheolus,  himself  unhappy 
in  marriage,  would  do  away  with  the  artificial  bond  and  follow 
inclination  alone.  In  spite  of  his  own  hard  experience,  how- 
ever, he  will  not  allow  the  monk's  contention  that  the  celibate 
state  is  holier. 

2  Now  I  know  well  —  I  am  not  uncertain  —  that  every  one  who  takes 
a  wife  should  do  so  with  the  will  to  continue  the  divine  creation,  since  all 
men  are  mortal.  For  when  fathers  and  mothers  die,  Nature  desires  their 
sons  to  succeed  to  continue  her  work,  so  that  she  may  replace  the  elder 
generation  by  the  younger. 


162      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Qui  achate  vache  mal  saine 
Ou  beuf  qui  chiet  en  maladie,  .  .  . 
Six  mois  a  d'espace  du  rendre.  . .  . 
Doncques  doit  bien  six  mois  avoir 
Cils  qui  prent  femme  pour  scavoir 
S'il  la  veult  laissier  ou  tenir. 

(Lamenta,  iii,  356-363) 3 

Quiconques  a  fait  mariage 
Pour  avoir  enfans  et  lignage, 
Certes,  il  fist,  je  n'en  doubt  mie, 
Grant  prejudice  a  la  lignie; .  .  . 
Sans  mariage  continue 
S'espece  toute  beste  mue, 
Et  toute  plante  ou  herbe  engendre 
Sans  mariage  son  droit  gendre.  .  .  . 
En  ne  m'a  pas  cree  nature 
Pour  une  seule  creature.  .  .  . 
En  n'est  pas  nature  si  vile 
Que  seulement  creast  Sebile 
Pour  Werry,  ne  Werry  pour  elle, 
Ne  moy  aussi  pour  Perrenelle.  .  .  . 
Mais  mariage  est  au  contraire; 
Le  seul  veult  a  la  seule  traire; 
Dont  nature  est  forment  contrainte 
Et  souvent  trouble  et  estainte; 
Retourner  veult  a  sa  franchise; 
Et  quant  n'y  puet  estre  remise 
Lors  muet  riotes  et  discorde. 

(Lamenta,  iii,  1053-1253  )4 

3  He  who  buys  an  unhealthy  cow  or  an  ox  which  falls  sick  has  six 
months'  time  to  return  it  in.  .  .  .  So  he  who  takes  a  wife  ought  to  have 
six  months  to  decide  whether  he  wishes  to  give  her  up  or  to  retain  her. 

4  He  who  invented  marriage  to  preserve  the  race,  certainly  he  inflicted 
an  evil  upon  humanity.  Every  dumb  beast  continues  its  species  without 
marriage,  and  every  plant  and  herb  without  marriage  produces  its  true 
offspring.  Therefore  Nature  has  not  created  me  for  a  single  creature; 
therefore  Nature  is  not  so  base  as  to  create  Sebile  for  Werry,  or  Werry  for 
her,  or  me  for  Perrenelle  .  .  .  But  marriage  by  a  contrary  plan  effects 


PROTEST  AGAINST  ASCETICISM  163 

Yet  when  Matheolus  asks  which  state  is  better,  the  cloister  or 
marriage,  he  is  answered: 

J'ay  les  manages  fondus, 

Mais  les  moyens  n'ay  pas  tondus, 

Ne  religion  ne  fis  oncques. 

Si  puis  asses  conclure  doncques 

Les  mari6s  plus  glorieus 

Que  moynes  ne  religieus. . .  . 

Compte  bien  et  si  t'asseiire 

Que  mariage  est  primerain 

Et  des  estas  le  souverain. 

(Lamenta,  iii,  2139-2156) 5 

The  author  of  Renart  le  Contrefait  assumes  the  same  attitude, 
making  the  beauty  of  Nature  the  direct  work  of  God. 

Lors  [Renart]  vit  Nature  en  sa  chayere 

Qui  tant  belle  et  qui  tant  noble  yere. 

Moult  fu  plaisant  et  gracieuze 

Et  delitable  et  moult  piteuse. 

Sa  beaulte"  ne  contreferoit 

Horns  qui  le  pooir  Dieu  n'aroit.  .  .  . 

Car  se  Dieu  du  tout  la  creiist, 

Oncq  horns  ne  femme  ne  morust, 

Ades  vesquissent  et  duressent 

Et  tousjours  fourmes  engerressent. 

Generacion  tant  lui  plaist 

Que  c'est  la  vie  qui  la  paist. 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  23979,  24034) 6 

the  union  of  one  man  with  one  woman;  thereby  is  Nature  greatly  con- 
strained and  often  troubled  and  destroyed;  she  wishes  to  return  to  her  free 
state,  and  when  she  cannot  resume  it,  then  she  excites  riots  and  discord. 

6  I  have  founded  marriage,  but  I  have  not  shaved  the  monks,  nor  did  I 
ever  establish  a  religious  order,  so  that  you  may  conclude  that  married 
persons  are  more  honorable  than  monks  or  priests.  Reckon  and  count 
it  as  sure  that  marriage  is  the  first  and  chief  of  states. 

6  Then  Renart  saw  Nature  on  her  throne  in  all  her  beauty  and  nobility. 
Very  pleasant  and  gracious  was  she  and  charming  and  compassionate. 
No  man,  unless  he  were  endowed  with  the  power  of  God,  could  imitate 


164      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN    OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

The  radical  divergence  of  this  last  author  from  orthodox 
teaching  is  revealed  by  a  comparison  of  that  passage  in  Deguil- 
leville  in  which  Nature,  an  ugly  old  woman,  sets  herself  in 
opposition  to  Grace  Dieu  for  the  government  of  man's  soul 
(Pelerinage  de  la  vie  humaine,  1503-2003)  with  lines  24086-90 
of  Renart  le  Contrefait.  In  the  latter  poem  Nature  is  represented 
as  young  and  fair,  but  Fear,  who  warns  of  retribution  after 
death,  is  pictured  as  a  weak  old  woman.  Nature,  moreover, 
makes  light  of  the  warning. 

Ceulx  qui  voulront  enfer  avoir 
Et  qui  a  plain  bras  le  querront, 
Je  suis  bien  d'accord  qu'ilz  l'aront. 
Cellui  qui  quiert  enfer,  si  l'oit, 
Qui  dampne*  voeult  estre,  si  soit. 

(Renart  le  Contrefait,  24086)  7 

The  popularity  of  the  Romance  of  the  Rose  and  of  the  four- 
teenth century  translation  of  the  Lamenta  is  due,  in  large  part, 
to  their  being  the  gathering  together  of  the  half  pagan  folk 
ethics  never  quite  vanquished  by  the  uncompromising  attitude 
of  Christianity.  The  popular  expression  of  this  same  morality 
is  found  in  the  lyric  poetry  of  the  same  time.  Jeanroy  and 
Gaston  Paris  have  traced  the  origin  of  this  lyric  poetry  to  the 
May  dance-songs  of  heathen  times.  The  subject  is  also  dis- 
cussed by  E.  K.  Chambers,  who  gives  many  extracts  from 
sermons  and  the  decrees  of  church  councils  to  show  that  the 
heathen  character  of  spring  and  harvest  festivals  persisted  far 
down  into  Christian  times,  if  indeed  it  be  even  now  wholly 
transformed.  The  reason  is  not  far  to  seek.  Christianity, 
entering  a  world  of  self-indulgence,  and  persecuted  from  the 

her  beauty.  ...  If  God  had  listened  wholly  to  her,  never  had  man  or 
woman  suffered  death;  still  they  would  have  been  alive  and  strong,  and 
ever  would  they  have  created  new  life.  She  favors  generation  since  she 
can  herself  live  only  by  the  life  of  her  creatures. 

7  Those  who  wish  to  have  a  Hell  and  who  seek  it  with  open  arms,  I 
am  content  that  they  should  have  it.  Let  him  who  seeks  a  Hell,  have 
it.     If  any  one  wishes  to  be  damned,  be  it  after  his  will. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   ASCETICISM  165 

start,  took  on  the  sternness  of  a  martyr  faith.  Yet  while  the 
people  acknowledged  vaguely  the  superior  purity  of  the  new 
religion,  they  clung  affectionately  to  their  old  ritual,  as  finding 
therein  a  warm  humanity  which  answered  their  craving  for 
joy,  excitement,  life.  The  lyric  poetry  of  medieval  Europe 
breathed  from  the  very  first  a  spirit  of  revolt  and  found  its 
delight  in  those  old  pagan  customs  against  which  the  Church 
directed  its  anathemas.  Some  literary  historians  have  as- 
cribed the  neo-paganism  of  the  Renaissance  to  the  revival  of 
classical  studies.  Whether  by  "paganism"  is  meant  merely 
a  joy  in  living,  or  self-indulgence,  the  men  of  the  Renaissance 
doubtless  found  encouragement  for  their  views  of  life  in  the 
classics.  That,  however,  they  inherited  their  philosophy  of 
enjoyment  from  their  immediate  forebears  even  a  cursory  read- 
ing of  medieval  lyrics  reveals. 

Protest  against  the  austere  counsels  of  the  Church  has  left 
its  most  distinct  literary  traces  in  the  dance-songs,  the  abund- 
ance of  which  attests  their  correspondence  with  popular  feel- 
ing. In  vain  did  the  Church  picture  the  terrors  of  departing 
life,  as  in  the  hymn  of  Peter  Damian : 

Gravi  me  terrore  pulsas,  vitas  dies  ultima;  .  .  . 
Quis  enim  pavendum  illud  explicat  spectaculum 
Cum,  dimenso  vitae  cursu,  carnis  segra  nexibus 
Anima  luctatur  solvi,  propinquans  ad  exitum? 
Perit  sensus,  lingua  riget,  revolvuntur  oculi,  .  .  . 
Stupent  membra,  pallent  ora,  decor  abit  corporis.  .  .  . 
Falsa  tunc  dulcedo  carnis  in  amarum  vertitur 
Quando  brevem  voluptatem  perpes  poena  sequitur, 
lam  quod  magnum  credebatur  nil  fuisse  cernitur. 

(Latin  Hymns,  F.  A.  March,  pp.  94,  95) 

In  vain  did  the  Church  advise  the  prayer,  the  fast,  the  vigil  in 
preparation  for  the  dread  Judge  in  those  most  terrible  lines: 

Dies  irae,  clies  ilia 
Solvet  saeclum  in  favilla, 
Teste  David  cum  Sibylla. 


166      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST  IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Quantus  tremor  est  futurus, 
Quando  iudex  est  venturus, 
Cuncta  stricte  discussurus!  .  . . 

Liber  scriptus  proferetur, 
In  quo  totum  continetur, 
Unde  mundus  iudicetur. 

Iudex  ergo  cum  sedebit, 
Quidquid  latet,  apparebit, 
Nil  inultum  remanebit. 

(Latin  Hymns,  March,  p.  154) 

One  might  have  expected  that  the  shadow  of  a  theology  so 
grim  would  have  fallen  across  even  the  popular  poetry,  yet 
there  are  not  wanting  songs  to  prove  that  to  many  a  joyous 
singer  cakes  and  ale  were,  notwithstanding,  good,  and  ginger 
hot  in  the  mouth.  The  naturalism  of  troubadour  poetry  is 
especially  striking.  Arnaut  Daniel,  to  bend  the  heart  of  his 
lady,  burns  tapers  and  hears  a  thousand  masses  (Diez,  Leben 
und  Werke  der  Troubadour,  p.  356).  The  mood  is  as  abso- 
lutely heathen  as  the  prayer  of  Chryses  to  Apollo. 

Many  of  the  early  folk  songs  are  distinctly  May-songs,  point- 
ing back  to  an  old  heathen  festival  in  honor  of  the  return  of 
spring,  the  Pervigilium  Veneris  among  the  Romans.  In  such 
poems  we  see  the  procession  at  dawn  to  bear  home  boughs 
from  the  wood,  the  merry  dance  about  the  may-pole,  the  bea- 
con fires  as  night  comes  on.  A  poem  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
Guillaume  de  Dole,  pictures  the  gay  throng. 

Tuit  li  citoien  s'en  issirent 
Mie  nuit  por  aler  au  bos. 
La  cite"  en  avait  le  los 
D'estre  toz  jors  mout  deduianz. 
Au  matin,  quant  li  jors  fu  granz, 
Et  il  aporterent  lor  mai, 
Tuit  chargie'  de  flors  et  de  glai 
Et  de  rainsiaus  verz  et  foilluz; 
One  si  biaus  mais  ne  fu  veiiz 


PROTEST  AGAINST  ASCETICISM  167 

De  gieus,  de  flors,  et  de  verdure; 
Parmi  la  cite1  a  droiture 
Le  vont  a  grant  joie  portant, 
Et  dui  damoisel  vont  chantant: 

"Tout  la  gieus  sor  rive  mer, 

Compaignon,  or  dou  chanter. 

Dames  i  ont  bauz  levez: 
Mout  en  ai  le  cuer  gai. 

Compaignon,  or  dou  chanter 
En  l'onor  de  mai." 
Quant  il  l'orent  bien  porchant6, 
Es  soliers  amont  l'ont  port6, 
Et  mis  hors  parmi  les  fenestres, 
Dont  ont  embeliz  toz  les  estres; 
Et  getent  partot  herbe  et  flor 
Sor  le  pavement,  por  l'onor 
Dou  haut  jor  et  dou  haut  concire. 

(Guillaume  de  Dole,  4141)  8 

Representative  of  a  large  group  of  poems,  expressing  frank 
content  with  life  as  it  is,  are  the  following  tender  and  unaffected 
lines  from  a  thirteenth  century  pastourelle. 

J'ai  trop  plus  de  joie 

Et  de  d£duit 
Que  li  rois  de  France 

N'en  a,  ce  cuit. 


8  All  the  citizens  went  forth  at  midnight  to  go  to  the  wood;  the  city 
was  famed  for  being  ever  full  of  joy.  In  the  morning  when  the  day  was 
high,  they  brought  back  their  may,  every  one  laden  with  blossoms  and 
flower-stalks  and  green,  leafy  boughs;  never  was  so  beautiful  a  may  seen 
with  the  flower-stalks  and  blossoms  and  verdure.  Straight  through  the 
city  they  bore  it  joyfully,  and  two  youths  went  before  singing:  "Just 
below  on  the  shore  of  the  sea,  —  companions,  begin  the  singing!  —  maidens 
have  started  the  dancing:  glad  is  my  heart  therefor.  Companions,  begin 
the  singing  in  honor  of  the  May."  And  when  they  had  sung  their  song 
through,  they  bore  the  may  to  the  upper  rooms,  and  hung  it  out  through 
the  windows  so  that  they  made  all  the  dwellings  beautiful;  and  they 
strewed  everywhere  herbs  and  flowers  over  the  pavement,  for  the  honor 
of  the  glad  day  and  of  the  high  assembly. 


168      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

S'il  a  sa  richesse 

Je  la  lui  quit; 
Car  j'ai  ma  miete 

Et  jor  et  nuit. 

(Chansons  populaires,  Nisard,  p.  48) 9 

Almost  identical  is  the  snatch  of  melody  which  Alceste's  com- 
mendation has  made  immortal: 

Si  le  roi  m'avait  donne" 

Paris,  sa  grand'  ville, 
Et  qu'il  me  fallut  quitter 

L' amour  de  ma  mie, 
Je  dirais  au  roi  Henri, 

"Reprenez  votre  Paris. 
J'aime  mieux  ma  mie,  au  gue* ! 

J'aime  mieux  ma  mie." 

The  significance  of  such  humble  ditties,  their  joint  contribution 
to  the  nation's  philosophy  of  life,  becomes  clear,  perhaps  for  the 
first  time,  in  Moliere's  work,  with  its  strong  insistence  on  prac- 
tical values,  its  discouragement  of  sentimentalism,  if  not  of 
spirituality.  In  this  tendency  towards  materialism  lay  the  deep 
reason  for  the  criticism  of  Tartuffe  by  the  religious,  actual  criti- 
cism going  astray  into  the  charge  that  the  dramatist  had 
represented  piety  as  always  a  sham.  The  love  poetry  of  the 
time  is,  in  this  sense  of  the  word,  materialistic;  it  does  not, 
like  Dante's  poetry,  open  spiritual  vistas;  it  degrades  religious 
ideals  into  a  measure  of  the  lover's  devotion  to  the  earthly 
beloved.    So  Thibaut  sang: 

Cele  [la  dame]  me  puet  reconforter; 
En  li  est  ma  morz  et  ma  vie.  .  .  . 
Tant  sui  vers  lui  fins  et  entiers 
Que  toz  jorz  voudraie  mielz  est  re 
Avec  li  qu'o  le  roi  celestre.  .  .  . 

•  I  have  far  more  joy  and  delight  than  the  king  of  France,  so  I  think; 
I'll  not  envy  him  his  riches,  for  I  have  my  darling  night  and  day. 


PROTEST  AGAINST   ASCETICISM  169 

Ne  me  porroit  mieuz  aeisier 
Dex  de  trestot  son  parevis 
Que  se  j'avoie  a  mon  devis 
La  boche  ma  tres  douce  dame. .  . . 
Quel  marveille  est  ce  se  ge  l'ain? 
Se  tuit  li  prestre  et  tuit  li  moine 
Qui  soient  jusques  Babyloine, 
Et  li  evesque  et  li  abe" 
M'en  avoient  trestuit  gab£, 
N'en  puis  ge  pas  mon  cuer  retraire. 
(Romanz  de  la  poire,  1579-85;  1695-9;  1743-8) 10 

It  is  rare  that  the  Church  is  mentioned.  Occasionally  there 
is  a  cry  of  protest  against  the  austere  life,  as  in  this  plaint  of 
the  enforced  nun. 

Quant  se  vient  en  mai 
Que  rose  espanie, 
Je  l'alai  cuillir 
Par  grant  druerie. 
En  poi  d'ore  oi 
Une  vois  s6rie 
Lone  un  vert  bouset, 
Pres  d'une  abiete; 

"  Je  sens  les  dous  maus 

Leiz  ma  ceinturete; 

Malois  soit  de  Deu, 

Qui  me  fist  nonete  ! 

Qui  nons  me  fist 
Jhesus  le  maldic ! 
Je  vis  trop  envis 
Vespres  ne  complies, 

10  My  lady  alone  can  comfort  me;  in  her  is  my  death  and  my  life.  So 
entirely  am  I  hers  that  ever  would  I  choose  to  be  with  her  rather  than 
with  the  king  of  Heaven.  .  .  .  God  with  all  his  paradise  could  not  make 
me  so  happy  as  I  should  be  if  I  might  kiss  at  will  the  lips  of  my  sweet 
lady.  .  .  .  What  marvel  is  it  if  I  love  her?  If  all  the  priests  and  all  the 
monks  from  here  to  Babylon  and  the  bishops  and  the  abb<5s  had  blamed 
my  love,  I  could  not  restrain  my  heart. 


170      THE   SPIRIT  OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

J'aimasse  trop  miels 
Meneir  boine  vie, 
Que  fust  sans  deduis, 
Et  amerousete. 
Je  sens,"  etc. 

(Chansons  popvlaires,  Nisard,  p.  29)  u 

Another  phase  of  the  revolt  against  the  austerity  which  the 
cloister  would  have  inculcated  as  the  proper  mood  for  sojourn- 
ers in  a  state  of  woe  was  a  certain  nonchalance  in  regard  to  the 
possible  penalties  attached  to  so  comfortable  a  condoning  of 
one's  own  short-comings.  The  conception  of  God  became  an- 
thropomorphic to  an  amazing  degree,  considering  the  hold  that 
the  Church  had  upon  men's  thought.  Ecclesiastics  seem  to 
have  passed  by  with  scant  censure  both  frank  irreverence  and 
the  humanizing  conception  of  the  Creator,  reserving  the  bolts 
of  their  excommunication  for  verbal  dissent  from  the  creed. 
The  attitude  of  mind  is,  certainly,  most  curious,  whether  we 
regard  it  as  the  survival  of  the  folk  religion  or  as  the  reaction 
of  the  flesh  asserting  its  rights  against  an  unduly  ascetic  ideal. 

To  the  jovial  Monk  of  Montaudan,  the  Creator  of  Heaven 
and  Earth  was  another  good  fellow,  who  shared  the  monk's 
own  contempt  for  the  sour  faces  of  ascetics  and  who  knew  well 
the  worth  of  a  good  song  or  joke  or  sword-thrust.  Such  a  judge 
might  be  trusted  to  deal  leniently  with  an  occasional  lapse  in 
monastic  duties. 

L'autr'ier  fuy  en  paradis, 
Per  qu'ieu  suy  guays  e  joyos, 
Quar  tan  mi  fo  amoros 
Dieus,  a  cui  tot  obezis, 
Terra,  mare,  vals  e  montanha; 

11  In  spring  when  the  rose  opens,  I  went  to  gather  one  for  love's  sake. 
Soon  I  heard  a  sad  voice  in  a  green  wood  near  a  convent:  —  "I  feel  the 
sweet  pangs  of  love  in  my  heart;  accursed  be  he  of  God  who  made  me  a 
nun!  May  Jesus  destroy  him  who  made  me  a  nun!  In  discontent  I  live, 
vespers  and  complines;  I  should  wish  to  lead  a  happy  life,  blessed  by  love 
than  one  without  joy.     I  feel,"  etc. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  ASCETICISM  171 

E  m  dis:  Morgue,  quar  venguis, 
Ni  cum  estay  Montaudos, 
Lai  on  as  maior  companha? 

Senher,  estat  ai  aclis 
En  claustra  un  an  o  dos, 
Per  qu'ai  perdut  los  baros; 
Sol  quar  vos  am  e  us  servis, 
Me  fan  lor  amor  estranha.  . . . 

Monge,  ges  ieu  no  t  grazis, 
S'estas  en  claustr'a  rescos, 
Ni  vols  guerras  ni  tensos 
Ni  pelei'  ab  tos  vezis, 
Per  que'l  bailia  t  remanha; 
Ans  am  ieu  lo  chant  e'l  ris; 
E'l  segles  en  es  plus  pros, 
E  Montaudos  y  guazanha.  .  . . 

The  Lord  further  advises  the  monk  to  seek  Richard  of  England, 
his  former  benefactor. 

Senher,  ieu  Pagra  ben  vis, 
Si  per  mal  de  vos  no  fos, 
Quar  anc  sofris  sas  preizos; 
Mas  la  naus  dels  Sarrazis 
No  us  membra  ges  cossi  s  banha; 
Quar,  si  dins  Acre  s  culhis, 
Pro  i  agr'enquer  Turcx  fellos; 
Folhs  es  qui  us  sec  en  mesclanha. 

(Raynouard,  Choix,  iv,  40) 12 

12  The  other  day  I  was  in  Paradise,  —  the  recollection  makes  me  gay 
and  joyous,  —  for  the  Lord  whom  everything  obeys,  earth,  sea,  valley 
and  mountain,  was  gracious  to  me  and  said:  "Monk,  why  have  you  come 
here,  and  how  is  Montaudon,  where  there  is  a  greater  company?"  — 
"Lord,  I  have  been  on  my  knees  in  the  cloister  a  year  or  two,  and  in  this 
way  lost  the  favor  of  the  barons;  only  because  I  love  and  serve  you,  their 
love  is  estranged  from  me."  —  "Monk,  I  do  not  thank  you  at  all  for 
shutting  yourself  up  in  the  cloister  and  caring  nothing  for  wars  and  lam- 
poons and  strife  with  your  neighbors,  whereby  your  vigor  is  maintained; 
I  prefer  singing  and  laughter;   and  the  world  is  the  happier  for  it,  and 


172      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

In  the  charming  chantefable  of  northern  France,  Aucassin 
et  Nicolete,  there  breathes  the  same  spirit  of  absorption  in  the 
goodliness  of  this  earth  and  of  unconcern  for  the  future.  The 
lover  will  not  exchange  his  beloved  for  the  pale  joys  of  the 
blessed.  To  Paradise,  indeed,  he  consigns  those  who  would  be 
but  sorry  company  on  earth. 

The  master  of  Nicolete  tries  to  persuade  Aucassin  that  his 
love  for  the  beautiful  captive  is  vain. 

"Tos  les  jors  du  siecle  en  seroit  vos  cors  honis,  et  apres  en 
seroit  vo  arme  en  infer;    qu'en  paradis  n'enterri6s  vos  ja." 

But  the  lover  will  none  of  such  prudent  counsels. 

"En  paradis  qu'ai  je  a  faire?  Je  n'i  quier  entrer  mais  que 
j'aie  Nicolete,  ma  tresdouce  amie  que  j'aim  tant.  C'en  para- 
dis ne  vont  fors  tex  gens,  con  je  vous  dirai.  II  i  vont  cil  viel 
prestre  et  cil  viel  clop  et  cil  manke,  qui  tote  jor  et  tote  nuit 
cropent  devant  ces  autex  et  en  ces  vi£s  creutes,  et  cil  a  ces 
vi6s  capes  esreses  et  a  ces  vi£s  tatereles  vestues,  qui  sont  nu 
et  descauc  et  estrumel£,  qui  moeurent  de  faim,  et  de  soi  et 
de  froit  et  de  mesaises.  Icil  vont  en  paradis;  aveuc  ciax  n'ai 
jou  que  faire.  Mais  en  infer  voil  jou  aler;  car  en  infer  vont  li 
bel  clerc,  et  li  bel  cevalier  qui  sont  mort  as  tornois  et  as  rices 
gueres,  et  li  boin  sergant  et  li  franc  home.  Aveuc  ciax  voil  jou 
aler.  Et  s'i  vont  les  beles  dames  cortoises,  que  eles  ont  deus 
amis  ou  trois  avoc  leur  barons,  et  s'i  va  li  ors  et  li  argens  et  li 
vairs  et  li  gris,  et  s'i  vont  harpeor  et  jogleor  et  li  roi  del  siecle. 
Avoc  ciax  voil  jou  aler,  mais  que  j'aie  Nicolete,  ma  tresdouce 
amie,  aveuc  mi." 

(Aucassin  et  Nicolete,  ed.  Suchier,  pp.  8,  9) 13 

Montaudon  profits  thereby." —  .  .  .  "  Lord,  I  should  have  gladly  visited 
him  [Richard],  if  it  had  not  been  for  your  fault,  through  which  he  suffers 
captivity;  but  you  don't  care  at  all  what  the  fleet  of  the  Saracens  is  doing; 
now  if  it  collects  at  Acre,  the  wicked  Turk  will  again  have  the  advantage; 
foolish  is  he  who  follows  you  into  a  scrape!" 

13  All  the  days  of  this  life  you  would  be  shamed,  and  afterwards  your 
soul  would  be  in  Hell;  for  into  Paradise  you  could  never  enter."  —  "In 
Paradise  what  have  I  to  gain?  I  desire  not  to  enter  there  without  Nicolete, 
my  sweet  lady  whom  I  love  so  well.     For  into  Paradise  go  none  but  such 


PROTEST   AGAINST  ASCETICISM  173 

A  valuation  of  the  saints  in  which  Aucassin  would  have 
heartily  concurred  is  given  in  Gautier's  Miracles  de  la  Sainte 
Vierge. 

Plus  maine  Dex  ou  ciel  lassus 

Des  vilains  aus  blanches  chapetes, 

De  veuves  fames,  de  vielletes, 

De  mesiaus,  de  tors,  de  crocus, 

De  contrefaiz  et  de  boguz, 

Qu'il  ne  face  de  bele  gent. 

Li  fol,  li  preu,  li  bel  gent, 

Les  beles  dames  de  grant  pris 

Qui  traynant  vont  ver  et  gris, 

Roys,  roynes,  dus  et  contesses 

En  enfer  vienent  a  granz  presses; .  .  . 

Ou  ciel  va  toute  la  ringaille, 

Le  grain  avons  et  Diex  la  paille. 

(Miracle  du  vilain  qui  a  grant  poine  savait  la 
moitie  de  son  Ave  Maria,  1.  206)  u 

In  a  piece  that  attains  at  once  intense  pathos  and  poetic 
expression,  it  is  instructive  to  note  the  pure  paganism  of  spirit 

folk  as  I  will  tell  you.  Thither  go  those  old  priests  and  those  old  cripples 
and  deformed  men,  who  crouch  all  day  and  all  night  before  the  altars  and 
in  the  old  crypts,  and  those  with  old,  shabby  cloaks  and  old,  ragged  gar- 
ments; thither  go  the  naked,  the  barefooted,  the  trouserless,  those  who 
are  perishing  of  hunger  and  thirst  and  cold  and  disease.  These  are  the 
folk  who  enter  Paradise;  with  such  I  have  nothing  in  common.  But  into 
Hell  I  shall  go  gladly;  for  into  Hell  go  the  goodly  clerics  and  the  brave 
knights  that  died  in  the  tourneys  and  the  glorious  wars,  and  the  worthy 
captains  and  the  dauntless  men.  With  these  I  wish  to  go.  And  thither 
go  the  fair  gracious  ladies,  who  have  lovers,  two  or  three,  besides  their 
lords,  and  thither  go  the  gold  and  the  silver  and  the  costly  furs,  and  thither 
go  the  harpers  and  the  jongleurs  and  the  kings  of  this  world.  With  these 
I  wish  to  go,  if  only  I  may  have  Nicolete,  my  dear  lady,  with  me." 

14  [The  devils  say: J  "To  Heaven  above  God  leads  more  peasants  with 
white  capes,  more  widowed  women,  aged  crones,  sick  folk,  men  misshapen, 
bent,  deformed,  ulcerous,  than  he  does  persons  fair  to  see.  The  gay,  the 
noble,  the  goodly  knights,  the  beautiful  ladies  much  sought  after,  they 
who  wear  costly  furs,  kings,  queens,  dukes  and  countesses  flock  into  Hell ; 
...  to  Heaven  go  the  riff-raff;  we  have  the  grain  and  God  has  the  straw." 


174      THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

informing  the  poem,  paganism  masquerading  under  the  guise 
of  Christianity.  The  prayer  is  fervid  and  addressed  to  God, 
but  the  request  is  not  for  spiritual  blessings,  but  for  the  return 
of  the  beloved.  The  tone  recalls  the  second  Idyl  of  Theocritus 
and  the  boon  desired  is  much  the  same.  I  refer  to  an  alba  by 
Guiraut  de  Bornelh. 

Reis  glorios,  verais  lums  e  clartatz, 
Deus  poderos,  senher,  si  a  vos  platz, 
al  meu  companh  siatz  fizels  aiuda, 
qu'eu  non  lo  vi,  pois  la  noitz  fon  venguda; 
et  ades  sera  l'alba. 

Bel  companho,  si  dormetz  o  veillatz? 
non  dormatz  plus,  suau  vos  ressidatz, 
qu'en  orien  vei  l'estela  creguda 
qu'  amenal  iorn  qu'eu  l'ai  ben  coneguda; 
et  ades  sera  l'alba.  .  .  . 

Bel  companho,  pos  me  parti  de  vos, 
eu  nom  dormi  nrm  moc  de  genolhos 
anz  preguei  Dieu,  lo  filh  Santa  Maria, 
que -us  mi  rendes  per  leial  companhia; 
et  ades  sera  l'alba.  . . . 

Bel  dos  companh,  tan  soi  en  ric  soiorn 
qu'eu  no  volgra  mais  fos  alba  ni  iorn, 
car  la  gensor  que  anc  nasques  de  maire, 
tcnc  e  abras,  per  qu'eu  non  prezi  gaire 
lo  fol  gelos  ni  l'alba. 
(Provenzalische  Chrestomathie,  ed.  Appel,  p.  91) 15 

15  Glorious  king,  true  light  and  splendor,  God  all  powerful,  Lord,  if 
thou  wilt,  be  a  faithful  helper  to  my  friend,  whom  I  have  not  seen  since 
the  night  has  come,  and  soon  will  break  the  dawn.  Fair  comrade,  are 
you  sleeping  or  awake?  Sleep  no  more,  gently  waken,  for  in  the  east  I 
see  the  star  rising,  which  brings  in  the  day;  all  too  well  have  I  recognized 
it,  and  soon  shall  break  the  dawn.  Fair  comrade,  since  I  parted  from  you, 
I  have  not  slept  or  moved  from  my  knees;  but  I  have  prayed  God,  the  son 
of  Saint  Mary,  to  bring  you  back  to  me  in  faithful  love;   and  soon  shall 


PROTEST  AGAINST   ASCETICISM  175 

In  Theocritus,  the  deserted  girl  uses  the  material  means, 
the  love-charm,  besides  the  prayer  to  call  back  the  errant 
lover,  but  the  expectancy  of  divine  interposition  is  no  greater. 
The  one  poem  is  as  frankly  pagan  as  the  other  in  its  delight  in 
sensuous  loveliness  and  its  setting  of  the  individual  desire 
above  the  laws  of  social  stability  learned  through  slow  experi- 
ence. Naturalism  is  a  striking  characteristic  of  the  medieval 
lyric.  There  appears  no  sense  of  duty  or  decorum  traceable  to 
Christian  influence.  All  is  emotion  as  spontaneous  and  unre- 
strained as  in  the  Sicilian  pastoral. 


So  far  as  the  great  movement  we  call  the  Renaissance  is  a 
revolt  from  a  dry  scholasticism  and  the  tendency  to  petrify 
human  activity  into  rigidly  accepted  forms  of  conduct  and 
belief,  its  antecedents  may  be  seen  in  this  philosophy  of  the 
common  life,  which  finds  the  loveliness  of  earth  good  to  see 
and  hear.  The  world  that  the  glad  eyes  of  these  poets  behold 
is  too  wonderful  and  joyous  for  them  to  aspire  towards  another. 
In  these  lyrics,  bright  with  rapture  in  the  return  of  spring  with 
its  tender  grass,  its  opening  buds,  the  warm  sun,  may  be  traced 
as  natural  human  emotion  what  a  later  age  was  to  attempt  to 
justify  philosophically. 

break  the  dawn.  Fair,  sweet  comrade,  I  enjoy  so  rich  a  delight  that  I 
would  there  were  neither  dawn  nor  day,  for  I  clasp  in  my  embrace  the  most 
beautiful  creature  ever  born  of  mother,  and  so  I  regard  not  the  jealous 
fool  or  the  dawn. 


CHAPTER  VI 

PROTEST   AGAINST   SEX-DISCRIMINATION 

Today  the  most  insistent  revolt  against  social  tyranny  is 
feminism.  Anything  like  an  organized  movement  towards  the 
emancipation  of  women  could  not,  of  course,  have  been  even 
dreamed  of  in  the  Middle  Ages.  Yet,  in  a  perverted  form,  the 
woman-question  excited  great  interest,  witness  the  long  dis- 
cussions of  female  depravity  with  which  medieval  literature 
abounds.* 

Among  those  who  discussed  the  subject  soberly,  Philippe 
de  Novare  presents  the  extreme  antifeminist  idea.  Women 
are  to  be  brought  up  in  subjection  and  to  remain  in  this  condi- 
tion all  their  lives.  Accordingly  they  need  no  knowledge  out- 
side of  the  household  arts.  Knowledge  might  even  open  to 
them  an  avenue  to  sin.  They  are  not  to  be  trusted  to  guard 
their  own  virtue.  But  there  is  this  crumb  of  comfort:  less 
will  be  expected  of  them  than  of  men.  Obedience  and  chastity 
sum  up  female  duty. 

Tuit  cil  et  toutes  celes  qui  les  [les  femeles]  norrissent  en 
anfance,  les  doivent  apanre  et  ansaignier  qu'eles  soient  bien 
en  commandement  et  en  subjection:  ...  en  anfance  doit  ele 
obei'r  a  caus  qui  la  norrissent  et  quant  ele  est  marine  outree- 
mant  doit  ob&r  a  son  mari  comme  a  son  seignor;  et  se  ele 
se  rant  en  religion,  ele  doit  estre  obeissanz  parfitement  a  sa 
soverainne  selonc  la  regie.  .  .  . 

Toutes  fames  doivent  savoir  filer  et  coudre;  car  la  povre 
en  avra  mestier,  et  la  riche  connoistra  miaus  l'ovre  des 
autres.  .  .  . 

A  fame  ne  doit  on  apanre  letres  ne  escrire,  se  ce  n'est 
especiaument  por  estre  nonnain;  car  par  lire  et  escrire  de  fame 


PROTEST  AGAINST   SEX-DISCRIMINATION  177 

sont  maint  mal  avenu.  Car  .  .  .  li  deables  est  si  soutis  et  enten- 
danz  a  faire  pechier,  que  tost  la  metroit  en  corage  que  ele(s) 
lise  les  letres  et  li  face  respons.* 

Fames  ont  grant  avantage  d'une  chose:  legierement  pueent 
garder  lor  honors,  .  .  .  por  une  seule  chose;  mes  a  l'om  en 
covient  plusors,  se  il  vuet  estre  por  bons  tenuz:  besoigs  est 
que  il  soit  cortois  et  larges  et  hardiz  et  sages.  Et  la  fame,  se 
ele  est  prode  fame  de  son  cors,  toutes  ses  autres  taches  sont 
covertes,  et  puet  aler  partot  teste  lev£e;  et  por  ce  ne  covient 
mie  tant  d'ansaignemanz  as  filles  comme  au  filz.  . 

Tieus  est  la  meniere  .  .  .  des  fames  qui  font  folie  .  .  .  de 
lors  cors.  Autrement  est  des  homes:  car,  comment  qu'il 
soit  dou  pechi£,  il  ont  une  grant  vainne  gloire,  quant  l'an 
dit  que  il  ont  beles  amies.  ...  Li  lignages  des  homes  n'i  a 
point  de  honte,  et  les  fames  honissent .  .  .  eles  me'ismes  et 
tout  lor  lignage  .  .  .  quant  eles  sont  a  droit  blasmees. 

(Quatre  tenz  d'aage  d'ome,  1ffl  21,  24,  25,  31,  89) 1 


1  All  those  who  rear  young  girls  should  teach  them  in  childhood  to  be 
under  rule  and  in  subjection:  ...  in  childhood  they  should  obey  those 
who  rear  them,  and  when  they  are  married  they  ought  to  obey  their  hus- 
bands as  their  lords;  and  if  they  become  nuns,  they  should  obey  absolutely 
their  superior  according  to  the  rule. . . .  All  women  ought  to  know  how  to 
spin  and  sew;  for  the  poor  woman  will  need  to  practice  these  arts,  and  the 
rich  woman  will  know  how  to  superintend  the  work  of  others.  ...  A 
woman  should  not  be  taught  reading  or  writing,  if  it  is  not  to  prepare  for 
being  a  nun;  for  through  women's  knowing  how  to  read  and  write  many 
evils  have  come  about.  For  .  .  .  the  devil  is  so  subtle  and  wise  in  tempt- 
ing to  sin  that  he  would  put  it  into  their  hearts  to  read  the  letters  [of  their 
lovers]  and  answer  them.  .  .  .  Women  have  a  great  advantage  in  one 
way:  they  can  maintain  their  honor  easily,  ...  by  a  single  virtue;  but 
to  man  many  virtues  are  necessary,  if  he  desires  to  be  honored:  it  is  neces- 
sary for  him  to  be  courteous  and  liberal  and  bold  and  wise.  But  if  a  woman 
is  modest,  all  her  defects  in  other  respects  are  overlooked,  and  she  can 
carry  her  head  high  everywhere;  and  therefore  it  is  not  needful  to  give 
so  much  instruction  to  daughters  as  to  sons.  ...  So  dishonorable  is  the 
position  of  women  who  stoop  to  folly.  It  is  different  in  the  case  of  men, 
for  although  their  sin  may  be  as  great,  yet  they  count  it  a  matter  of  pride 
to  have  it  said  that  they  have  fair  friends.  The  family  of  men  has  no 
shame  thereby,  but  women  disgrace  themselves  and  all  their  family,  wheD 
they  are  justly  blamed. 


178      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST  IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Despite  his  low  opinion  of  women,  Philippe  de  Novare 
advises  marriage. 

Et  tout  soit  ce  que  li  liens  de  mariage  est  morteus  bataille, 
ou  covient  morir  l'un  des  deux,  ainz  que  loiaument  departent 
dou  champ,  toutes  voies  en  vient  li  grignor  biens  et  la  grignor 
joie  que  Tan  ait  au  siecle;  et  mout  d'anui  en  avint  ausis,  mais 
li  bien  passent  les  maus. 

(Quatre  tenz  d'aage  d'ome,  %  78) 

Especially  should  young  men  of  the  bourgeoisie  marry  early, 
since  "li  fais  des  fames  espouses  acorse  [acuet?]  moult  les 
sens."  The  counsel  reminds  one  of  Bacon's  saying,  "He  that 
hath  wife  and  children  hath  given  hostages  to  fortune." 

The  patient  Griseldas  approved  by  Philippe  de  Novare  were 
perhaps  not  too  often  met  with  in  real  life,  otherwise  how 
account  for  the  popularity  of  such  stories  as  that  told  in  Renart 
le  Contrefait,  11.  40013-40797? 

On  a  certain  journey  Tibert  falls  in  with  a  tigress  that  has 
not  eaten  for  seven  years  through  lack  of  her  proper  food,  a 
wife  faithful  and  obedient  to  her  husband.  Tibert  guides 
the  tigress  to  the  marketplace,  sure  that  among  the  throng  of 
buyers  and  sellers  a  prey  will  be  found.  Yet  no  woman  flees 
at  the  approach  of  the  tigress. 

The  fable  of  Chiche  Vache  (A.  Jubinal,  Mysteres  inedits,  i, 
p.  390),  the  lean  cow  that  fed  on  patient  wives,  has  the 
same  moral. 

The  wife  of  Matheolus  would  have  proved  an  indigestible 
morsel  for  the  fastidious  beast  according  to  the  rueful  testi- 
mony of  her  husband. 

Sejedi"bo",  elle  dit  "beu"; 
Nous  sommes  comme  chien  et  leu, 
Qui  s'entrerechignent  es  bois; 
Et  se  je  vueil  avoir  des  pois, 
Elle  fera  de  la  poree, 
Tant  est  de  mauvaise  cor£e. .  .  . 


PROTEST  AGAINST   SEX-DISCRIMINATION  179 

Many  a  man  has  suffered  the  like  sad  experience.  Woman 
is  strangely  perverse. 

Ne  veult  que  son  mari  domine, 
Mais  contre  ses  fais  abhomine.  .  .  . 
Ce  qu'elle  aime  convient  amer 
Et  ce  qu'elles  heent  blasmer, 
Et  reprouver  ce  que  repreuvent. 

(Lamenta,  i,  713-755) 2 

This  reversal  of  relations  pleasing  to  man's  vanity  seemed  to 
the  poet  a  ground  of  accusation  against  Providence: 

Tu  fourmas  la  premiere  mere 

Du  coste"  d'Adam,  nostre  pere, 

Afin  de  luy  faire  subside, 

Bien,  plaisir,  service  et  aide. .  . . 

Mais  qui  au  cler  l'esprouveroit 

Tout  le  contraire  trouveroit; 

Car  sur  Fomme  a  la  seignourie; .  .  . 

Endormis  es,  ou  tu  rassotes 

Puis  que  les  drois  aux  hommes  ostes.  .  .  . 

Ou  tu  dors,  ou  tu  es  trop  vieulx. 

(Lamenta,  iii,  839-968) 3 

Etienne  de  Fougeres  discusses  the  subject  temperately.  In 
pointing  out  that  the  idle  rich  woman  is  a  source  of  danger  to 
society  from  her  very  leisure,  he  is  quite  in  accord  with  one 
school  of  our  most  advanced  feminists.     Had  all  women,  he 

2  If  I  say  "bo,"  she  says  "beu";  we  are  like  dog  and  wolf,  that  fight 
each  other  in  the  woods;  and  if  I  want  peas,  she  will  cook  leeks;  so  shrew- 
ish is  her  disposition.  .  .  .  Woman  [nowadays]  will  not  suffer  her  husband 
to  rule  her,  but  rebels  against  his  acts.  What  she  loves,  he  must  love, 
and  what  she  hates,  blame,  and  condemn  what  she  condemns. 

3  Thou  didst  form  the  first  mother  from  the  side  of  Adam,  our  father, 
to  afford  him  aid,  good,  pleasures,  service  and  help.  But  one  who  should 
examine  sharply  actual  conditions,  would  find  exactly  the  opposite  rela- 
tions prevailing,  for  woman  has  dominion  over  man.  Lord,  thou  art  fallen 
asleep  or  thou  art  besotted,  since  thou  takest  from  men  their  rights.  .  .  . 
Either  thou  sleepest  or  thou  art  too  old. 


180      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

implies,  some  useful  occupation,  their  faults  would  all  but  dis- 
appear. Etienne  is  careful  also  to  offset  his  unflattering  por- 
trait by  another  of  the  good  woman. 

Riche  dame  qui  est  j  olive 
O  son  saignor  tence  et  estrive; 
Vers  lui  se  tient  gorde  et  eschive 
Vers  un  pejor  de  lui  braive.  .  .  . 

A  proz  se  tient  et  a  guerie, 
Si  grant  gent  est  par  lei  perie;  .  .  . 
Riche  dome  qui  heit  conoille, 
Ne  teist,  ne  file,  ne  traoille,  .  .  . 
De  tote  cure  se  despoille, 

Fors  de  sei  faire  belle  et  gente 
Et  sei  peindre  blanche  ou  rovente, 
Et  dit  que  mal  fut  sa  jovente, 
Si  en  amor  ne  met  entente. 

(Livre  des  mani&res,  st.  249-265) 4 

But  Etienne  is  glad  to  testify  to  the  goodness  also  of  many 
women,  and  he  speaks  approvingly  of  marriage. 

Bone  fame  est  moult  haute  chose; 
De  bien  feire  pas  ne  repose, .  .  . 
Bien  conseilier  et  bien  fere  ose. 

Nule  joie  n'est  tant  garie 
Com  de  mari  et  de  marie; 
Ja  la  lor  joie  n'iert  tolie. 

{Livre  des  manieres,  st.  284,  293) 6 

4  The  rich  woman  who  is  pretty,  strives  and  contends  with  her  lord. 
Towards  him  she  is  cold  and  distant,  towards  a  worse  than  he,  graciously 
bold.  She  holds  it  a  tribute  to  her  worth  and  fame  if  many  persons  lose 
their  lives  for  her.  A  rich  woman  who  hates  the  spindle  will  not  weave 
or  spin  or  wind;  ...  of  every  care  she  rids  herself,  except  making  herself 
sweet  and  fair,  and  painting  herself  white  or  red,  and  she  thinks  that  her 
time  is  ill-spent  if  it  is  not  spent  in  love. 

6  A  good  woman  is  a  very  noble  thing;  she  rests  not  from  welldoing. 
She  dares  to  counsel  and  to  do  well.  .  .  .  No  joy  is  so  secure  as  that  of 
husband  and  wife;  never  shall  their  joy  be  taken  from  them. 


PROTEST  AGAINST   SEX-DISCRIMINATION  181 

Gautier  de  Coincy  is  chivalrous  to  women  as  becomes  the 
poet  devoted  to  the  service  of  Our  Lady,  but  he  accepts  woman's 
status  as  fixed,  just  as  do  most  of  his  contemporaries.  He  has 
words  of  reproof  for  the  lady  too  fond  of  finery,  but  sings  by 
preference  the  praise  of  the  good  woman. 

Bone  fame,  n'en  dout  de  riens, 
Est  si  tres  sainte  et  si  tres  nete 
Qu'eut  plus  soef  que  violete, 
Que  fleur  de  liz  ne  fresche  rose, 
Et  Diex  en  li  maint  et  repose. 
Nule  esmeraude,  nule  gemme 
N'est  tant  nete  com  nete  fame, 
Tant  esmeree  ne  tant  pure. 
Par  desus  toute  creature 
Doit  preudefame  estre  honoree. 

(Miracle  du  moine  que  Notre  Dame 

resuscita,  497)  6 

The  Hermit  has  little  to  say  about  woman's  position.  He 
is  in  advance  of  his  age  in  advocating  a  single  standard  of 
morals  for  men  and  women. 

Horn  ki  fame  deshonoras, 
Ausi  ies  tu  deshonoras; 
N'ies  pas  sans  honte  demores, 
Car  hontous  labour  laboras. 

Horn  de  pekier  a  avantage 
Au  siecle  et  moins  a  de  hontage 
Ke  fame,  mais  il  desert  pis 
A  Diu  et  plus  a  de  damage. 
Horn,  ki  ton  cors  mes  a  folage, 

6  The  good  woman,  do  not  doubt  it,  is  so  very  holy  and  pure  that  she 
is  sweeter  than  the  violet,  than  the  fleur-de-lis  or  the  fresh  rose,  and  God 
dwells  and  rests  in  her.  No  emerald,  no  gem  is  so  pure  as  the  pure  woman, 
so  precious  or  so  flawless.  Above  every  other  creature  should  the  good 
woman  be  honored. 


182      THE   SPIRIT  OF   PROTEST  IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 

Plus  ies  ke  fame  a  Diu  despis, 
Dessavoures  et  awarpis. 

(Romans  de  Carite,  st.  226,  228)  7 

Jean  de  Meung  has  been  considered  the  greatest  antifeminist 
of  the  age.  It  is  not  to  be  expected,  indeed,  that  so  satirical 
an  author  should  praise  women  like  the  courtly  Guillaume  de 
Lorris.  In  many  ways,  notwithstanding,  he  was  in  advance  of 
his  times  in  his  attitude  towards  women.  It  must  be  noted, 
first  of  all,  that  the  most  abusive  passages  of  the  Romance  of  the 
Rose  are  not  given  as  the  author's  own  view,  but  are  put  in  the 
mouth  of  those  whose  cavil  is  slight  reproach.  Thus  it  is  the 
brutal  husband  who  utters  the  maledictions  upon  the  female 
sex,  which  occupy  lines  9204  to  10110.  Since  the  jealous  man's 
upbraiding  is  lengthened  to  include  all  the  author's  erudition 
on  the  subject  of  female  depravity  culled  from  Juvenal,  Vale- 
rius, and  other  misogynists,  the  connection  is  lost,  and  the 
strictures  are  often  quoted  as  the  author's  own.  That  Jean  de 
Meung  did  not  assent  to  this  exaggerated  reproach  is  shown, 
however,  by  his  putting  the  opinions  in  question  in  the 
mouth  of  the  cruel  husband,  by  the  upright  friend's  reprov- 
ing the  violence  of  the  husband  and  by  the  purpose  of  the 
book,  which  is  a  defence  of  marriage  against  celibacy.  The 
friend  says  that  although  good  women  are  few,  yet  when  a 
paragon  is  found,  she  should  be  honored  and  cherished,  and 
that  a  union  cannot  be  happy  unless  the  deference  of  courtship 
be  continued  after  marriage.  It  is  no  wonder,  concludes  the 
friend,  if  the  jealous  man  who  slanders  and  strikes  his  wife 
must  live  in  dread  of  meeting  death  through  her  vengeance. 
True,  the  friend's  own  experience  had  been  unfortunate,  he 
had  not  met  the  "perfect  woman  nobly  planned,"  yet  he 
counsels  the  lover  to  persevere  in  good  hope  of  success. 

7  Thou  who  dishonorest  a  woman,  thou  dishonorest  thyself;  thou  art 
not  without  shame,  for  thou  dost  a  shameful  act.  Man  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world  is  less  dishonored  by  sin  than  woman,  but  he  deserves  worse  of  God 
and  has  more  blame.  Thou,  man,  who  actest  basely,  art  more  despised 
by  God  than  is  woman;  more  repugnant  to  him,  more  hateful. 


PROTEST  AGAINST   SEX-DISCRIMINATION  183 

Mes  quant  Ten  a  la  chose  [la  rose]  aquise, 
Si  reconvient  il  grant  mestrise 
En  bien  garder  et  sagement, 
Qui  joir  en  vuet  longement.  .  .  . 
S'est  bien  drois  que  ch6tis  se  claime 
Valez,  quant  il  pert  ce  qu'il  aime, 
Por  quoi  ce  soit  par  sa  deiaute; . .  . 
M&smement,  quant  Diex  la  done 
Sage,  courtoise,  simple  et  bone.  .  . . 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  9009) 

Compains,  cil  fox  vilains  jalous, .  .  . 
[Qui]  se  fait  seignor  de  sa  fame, 
Qui  ne  redoit  mie  estre  dame, 
Mes  sa  pareille  et  sa  compaigne, 
Si  cum  la  loi  les  acompaigne; 
Et  il  redoit  ses  compains  estre, 
Sans  soi  faire  seignor  ne  mestre; 
Quant  tex  tormens  li  apareille, 
Et  ne  la  tient  cum  sa  pareille, 
Ains  la  fait  vivre  en  tel  mesaise, 
Cuidi^s  vous  qu'il  ne  li  desplaise, 
Et  que  l'amor  entr'eus  ne  faille?  .  . . 
Ja  de  sa  fame  n'iert  amfe 
Qui  sire  en  vuet  estre  clamps; 
Car  il  convient  amor  morir 
Quant  amant  vuelent  seignorir. 
Amors  ne  puet  durer  ne  vivre, 
Se  n'est  en  cuer  franc  et  delivre. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  10171) 8 

8  But  after  one  has  acquired  a  thing  desired  [the  rose],  still  great 
excellence  is  necessary  in  keeping  it  well  and  wisely,  if  one  would  enjoy  it 
long.  .  .  .  And  it  is  right  that  a  young  man  should  acknowledge  himself 
a  caitiff  if  he  loses  by  his  own  fault  what  he  loves,  especially  when  God 
gives  a  love  wise,  courteous,  sincere  and  good.  .  .  . 

Friend,  that  false  and  jealous  wretch  (who)  makes  himself  master  over 
his  wife  (who  in  turn  should  not  be  mistress,  but  equal  and  companion, 
just  as  the  law  associates  them) ;  and  he  ought  likewise  to  be  her  companion 
without  making  himself  lord  and  master.     When  he  treats  her  cruelly  and 


184      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST  IN   OLD    FRENCH   LITERATURE 

The  most  famous  passage  on  the  subject  is,  perhaps,  the 
advice  of  La  Vieille  to  Bel  Acueil.  The  counsel  is  one  of  mer- 
cenary prudence:  get  more  than  you  give;  man's  fancy  is 
fleeting;  demand  a  solid  recompense.  The  text  has  been 
interpreted  as  an  expression  of  Jean  de  Meung's  belief  in  the 
baseness  of  the  female  character.  It  is,  however,  a  parallel  to 
the  advice  to  the  youth,  put  by  Guillaume  de  Lorris  in  the 
mouth  of  Love,  and,  coming  from  a  deserted  woman,  is  a  per- 
verted vindication  of  woman's  rights.  La  Vieille  advocates, 
too,  the  single  standard.  The  fates  of  Dido,  Oenone,  Medea, 
show  man's  inconstancy.    Let  woman  take  a  leaf  from  his  book. 

Briement,  tuit  les  lobent  et  trichent, 
Tuit  sunt  ribaut,  partout  se  fichent; 
Si  les  doit  l'en  ausinc  trichier, 
Non  pas  son  cuer  en  un  fichier. 
Fole  est  fame  qui  si  l'a  mis, 
Ains  doit  avoir  plusors  amis, 
Et  faire,  s'el  puet,  que  tant  plaise, 
Que  tous  les  mete  a  grant  m^saise. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  14206) 9 

Of  less  dubious  morality  are  Jean  de  Meung's  views  concern- 
ing the  benefit  to  woman's  nature  of  instruction.  One  of  his 
characters  has  praised  IMoise,  as  understanding  beyond  all 
other  women  the  nobility  of  love.  But  how  did  Helo'ise  attain 
this  elevation  of  spirit?  Through  her  marvelous  proficiency  in 
learned  studies. 


does  not  regard  her  as  his  equal,  but  rather  causes  her  to  live  in  unhappi- 
ness,  do  you  think  that  he  does  not  anger  her,  and  that  love  between  them 
does  not  fail?  Never  will  he  who  wishes  to  be  regarded  as  lord  be  loved 
by  his  wife,  for  love  must  die  when  lovers  desire  superiority.  Love  cannot 
live  or  endure  except  in  free  and  unconstrained  hearts. 

9  In  short,  all  men  praise  and  deceive  women.  All  are  wretches,  all 
are  traitors.  So  women  should  deceive  them,  and  not  trust  their  heart 
to  one  alone.  Foolish  is  the  woman  who  gives  her  love  to  one  alone; 
she  ought  rather  to  have  several  lovers  and,  by  attracting  as  many  as  she 
can,  to  keep  them  all  in  great  distress. 


PROTEST   AGAINST   SEX-DISCRIMINATION  185 

Si  croi  ge  que  la  lectreure 
La  mist  a,  ce  que  la  nature 
Que  des  meurs  feminins  avoit, 
Vaincre  et  danter  miex  en  savoit. 

{Roman  de  la  rose,  9576) 10 

A  few  words  may  be  added  here  concerning  the  effect  on 
woman's  position  of  the  poesie  courtoise.  It  is  easy,  perhaps, 
to  exaggerate  its  power  in  raising  woman's  status.  There 
appears,  indeed,  in  this  poetry,  despite  its  fulsome  flattery  of 
woman,  the  same  defect  that  vitiates  much  of  the  social  phi- 
losophy of  the  Middle  Ages:  the  assumption  that  privileged 
individuals  have  the  right  to  bestow  happiness  on  others.  So 
the  moralists,  with  few  exceptions,  urged  the  king  to  be  merciful 
to  his  subjects,  instead  of  inciting  the  people  to  hold  their  kings 
accountable  to  them.  So  the  preachers  appealed  to  the  gener- 
osity of  the  rich  man  instead  of  questioning  his  right  to  appro- 
priate so  much  of  the  world's  goods.  So  in  intellectual  matters, 
the  exhortation  was  to  the  priests  to  lead  their  flocks  faithfully, 
and  not  to  the  individual  to  think  out  a  belief  and  moral  stand- 
ard for  himself.  We  cannot,  then,  expect  to  find  woman's 
rights  to  independence  and  happiness  accorded  more  recogni- 
tion than  were  the  rights  of  the  people  at  large.  In  all  social 
relations  during  the  Middle  Ages,  progress  was  rendered  hope- 
less by  the  vicious  substitution  of  charity  for  justice  as  an  ideal 
of  conduct. 

It  must  further  be  recorded  to  the  shame  of  the  scholars 
that  they  went  on  repeating  the  platitudes  of  Oriental  and 
decadent  Latin  writers  on  this  subject.  The  ecclesiastical 
writers  did  more  than  all  others  to  degrade  women  by  alleging 
divine  sanction  for  their  views. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  trace  other  influences,  in  the 
economic  field,  even  then  working  for  woman's  emancipation, 
but  as  such  influences  do  not  reveal  themselves  in  the  litera- 
ture of  the  time,  they  do  not  properly  belong  here. 

10  And  I  believe  that  it  was  learning  that  enabled  her  to  overcome  the 
weaknesses  of  the  feminine  nature. 


186      THE   SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH   LITERATURE 


CONCLUSION 

The  preceding  chapters  have  traced,  though  by  no  means 
exhaustively,  protests  against  the  infraction  of  individual 
liberty  by  the  king  and  the  nobility,  by  the  Church  and  by  the 
conventions  of  society,  so  far  as  these  protests  were  expressed 
in  early  French  literature.  We  have  seen  that  the  writers  of 
the  time  were  by  no  means  insensible  or  apathetic  in  regard  to 
the  evils  about  them.  Nor  were  they  afraid  to  speak  boldly 
in  the  cause  of  righteousness.  If,  judging  by  their  rebukes  to 
the  powerful,  we  pronounce  the  age  "dark"  indeed,  yet  in  the 
discontent,  the  unrest  of  society,  we  see  the  gleam  of  hope. 
The  people  were,  alas!  to  wait  long  for  even  a  measure  of  liberty: 
not  for  four  hundred  years  were  the  chains  of  an  absolute 
monarchy  and  a  privileged  nobility  to  be  struck  off;  the 
Inquisition  was  to  fetter  minds  and  souls;  the  bonds  of 
convention  and  of  unequal  laws  were  still  to  crush  women's 
aspirations.  Yet  if  the  history  of  spiritual  emancipation  be 
ever  fully  written,  the  authors  commemorated  in  this  study 
will  receive  their  meed  of  praise  for  having  done,  each  in  his 
day  and  generation,  a  man's  work. 


APPENDIX  A 

NOTES 

P.  3.  A  comparison  of  the  early  and  the  late  chansons  de  geste  with 
a  view  to  showing  the  increasing  deference  to  popular  sentiments  on  the 
part  of  the  poets  has  been  made  by  J.  Falk  (Antipathies  et  sympathies  demo- 
cratiques  dans  V epopee  frangaise  du  moyen  dge,  and  Etude  sociale  sur  les 
chansons  de  geste).  His  conclusion,  however,  is:  "Les  classes  inferieures, 
bourgeois  et  vilains,  tiennent  dans  l'6popee  .  .  .  une  place  assez  effacee." 
"C*est  le  silence  du  mepris." 

The  hard-worked,  ignorant  peasant  is  sketched  as  a  figure  both  repul- 
sive and  ridiculous,  as  in  this  description  of  Rigaut  in  Garin  le  Loherain 
(vol.  ii,  p.  152). 

Gros  ot  les  bras  et  les  membres  fornis, 

Entre  deux  iaus  plaine  paume  acompli, 

Larges  £paules  et  si  ot  gros  le  pis; 

Hireci£s  fu,  s'ot  charbonne  le  vis, 

Ne  fu  laves  de  six  mois  acomplis, 

Ne  n'i  ot  aive  se  du  ciel  ne  chai, 

Cotele  ot  courte,  jusqu'aus  genous  li  vint, 

Hueses  tirees  dont  li  talon  en  ist. 

After  twelve  centuries  of  Christianity  the  portrait,  from  the  standpoint 
of  pity  or  even  of  simple  justice,  shows  no  advance  upon  that  of  Thersites. 
Yet  if  such  lines  could  still  raise  a  laugh  among  the  thoughtless  nobles, 
there  were  not  wanting  in  the  same  years  men  like  Etienne  and  Guillaume 
and  the  Renclus  de  Moiliens  to  ask: 

Who  loosened  and  let  down  this  brutal  jaw? 
Whose  was  the  hand  that  slanted  back  this  brow? 
Whose  breath  blew  out  the  light  within  this  brain? 

To  the  credit  of  the  Church  be  it  said  that  the  loudest  and  most  insistent 
protest  arose  from  her  servants. 

The  tone  of  Bauduin  de  Sebourc  and  of  Hugues  Capet  (both  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  Gautier,  Epopies  francaises)  is  quite  different.  Bauduin, 
who  supposes  himself  a  peasant,  is  no  whit  ashamed  of  his  lowly  birth. 


188  APPENDIX   A 

.  .  .  Fiex  sui  d'un  villain,  qui  n'ot  vaillant  riens  nee.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Pas  ne  sui  villains  de  cuer  n6  de  pensee, 

Et  j'ai  bien  o'i  dire,  il  a  mainte  journ6e, 

Que  nulz  horns  n'est  villains,  de  maise  renommee, 

Se  de  cuer  ne  li  vient;  c'est  veritez  prouvee. 

(Bauduin  de  Sebourc,  iii,  532-538) 

On  another  occasion  Bauduin  goes  to  the  assistance  of  the  bourgeois,  be- 
sieging their  lord's  castle.     He  knows  well  the  familiar  tale  of 

Coustumes,  et  servaiges,  et  grans  desloi'autez, 
Maletotes,  et  taillez,  et  grandes  cruautes. 

(Bauduin  de  Sebourc,  viii,  1117) 

As  in  the  older  chansons  de  geste  the  oppressed  knight  found  an  avenger 
in  every  truehearted  chevalier,  so  in  this  popular  epic  the  people  find  their 
champion. 

Je,  qui  sui  chevaliers  aventureus  clames, 

M'avisai  que  c'estoit  et  meschief  et  pit6s 

Con  vous  avoit  ensi  et  tailli^s  et  robes,  .  .  . 

J'entrai  en  che  chastel  fervestus  et  armes;  .  .  . 

Ains  ne  fu  telz  tresors  que  cha  est  assamblez!  .  .  . 

.  .  .  le  vous  renderai,  car  il  vous  fu  embl£s. 

(Bauduin  de  Sebourc,  viii,  1123) 

In  Hugues  Capet  the  leader  is  not  ashamed  of  his  humble  origin. 

Bourgois  sui  de  Paris.     Pour  coy  en  mentiroie? 
Et  gentilesse  aussi  n'est  drois  que  je  renoie, 
Et  s'ay  bon  cuer  en  my  cou,  povrez  que  je  soie, 
Aussi  bien  comme  ung  rois  vestu  d'or  ou  de  soie. 

(Hugues  Capet,  397) 

The  poet  follows  the  tradition  dear  to  his  audience  that  the  first  king  of 
France  rose  from  their  midst.  Hugues  Capet  acknowledges  that  his  power 
rests  solely  upon  the  people's  will. 

Je  suy  rois  couronnez  de  France  le  royon, 
Non  mie  par  oirrie  ne  par  estrasion, 
Mais  par  le  vostre  gre  et  vostre  elexion. 

(Hugues  Capet,  4217) 

Occasionally  even  in  the  earlier  chansons  appears  a  sense  of  the  obliga- 
tions of  superiors,  as  in  this  charge  of  the  King  Charles  to  his  son. 

Quant  Deus  fist  rei  por  pueples  justicier, 
II  nel  fist  mie  por  false  lei  jugier, 


NOTES  189 

Faire  luxure,  ne  alever  pechie\ 
Ne  eir  enfant  por  retolir  son  fid, 
Ne  veve  fame  tolir  quatre  deniers; 
Ainz  deit  les  torz  abatre  soz  ses  piez,  .  .  . 
Ja  al  povre  ome  ne  te  chah  de  tender; 
Si  il  se  claime  ne  t'en  deit  ennoier, 
Ainceis  le  deis  entendre  et  conseillier 
Por  l'amor  Deu  de  son  dreit  adrecier. 

(Coronemenz  Loois,  175,  ed.  E.  Langlois) 

On  the  whole,  however,  the  form  of  the  chanson  de  geste  did  not  lend 
itself  readily  to  radical  propaganda. 

P.  8.  Ferrant  is  a  favorite  name  for  horses  in  the  French  epics  (v. 
Langlois,  Table  de  noms  propres  dans  les  chansons  de  geste).  In  the 
Chateauroux- Venice  text  of  the  Chanson  de  Roland  (ed.  W.  Foerster),  p.  390, 
Ferrant  is  the  horse  upon  which  the  Christian  knight,  Terris,  rides  against 
Pinabeaus. 

Et  bon  cheval  li  font  apareiller 
Ferrant  ont  pris  qi  fu  au  due  Reiner 
en  nule  terre  nen  ot  cheual  tant  fier 
car  se  il  uoit.un  arme  cheualier 
sore  li  cort  por  son  cors  depecer 
de  deuant  Cordes  le  conquist  Oliuere 

(P.  383) 

Terris  kills  his  opponent's  horse,  but  Pinabeaus  takes  vengeance. 

lo  destrier  aconsiut  par  desoz  le  penel 

de  sa  bone  armeure  sunt  fause  li  clauel 

qe  la  iambe  li  tranche  iusca  los  del  noel 

lors  tresbuche  Feranz  desoz  un  arbresel  (P.  390) 

To  his  study  of  Fauvel  Paris  adds  this  note  (Histoire  lilteraire  de  la  France, 

vol.  32,  p.  135): 

Ferrant,  comme  Fauvel,  est  a  la  fois  une  appellation^  g6n6rique 
et  un  nom  individual  de  cheval;  mais  il  y  a  sans  doute  ici  une 
allusion  a  la  mort  du  comte  Ferrant  ou  Ferdinand  de  Flandres,  le 
vaincu  de  Bouvines,  sur  le  nom  duquel  on  a  beaucoup  jou6. 

P.  46.  This  passage  from  Philippe  de  Novare  indicates  a  growth  in 
democratic  feeling  among  ecclesiastics,  if  we  may  accept  the  Chevalerie 
Ogier  as  evidence  of  aristocratic  prejudice  on  the  part  of  at  least  certain 
monasteries  in  the  twelfth  century.  The  abbot  of  Miaus  de  Saint  Pharon 
offers  the  king  his  aid: 


190  APPENDIX   A 

Face  mander  tos  les  moignes  cloistriers 
Et  les  canoines,  les  prestres  provendiers, 
Tost  en  ara  assanle  cent  milliers, 
Grant  sont  et  fort,  vertuous  et  legiers,  .  .  . 
Jou  et  moi  moigne  irons  el  front  premier, 
L'auberc  vestu,  lacie  l'elme  d'achier, 
Et  chaint  le  brant  au  puig  d'or  entailli6, 
Et  bien  montes  sor  les  corans  destriers. 
Chaiens  n'a  moigne,  bien  le  puis  tesmoignier 
Qui  ne  soit  filx  a  gentil  chevalier; 
Filx  de  vilain  n'estra  ja  mes  cloistriers. 

(Chevalerie  Ogier,  1.  10622) 

P.  49.  "Ce  qui  fait  de  Jean  de  Meung  le  chef  anticipe-  de  la  littera- 
ture  du  XIVe  siecle,  c'est  l'inspiration  la  plus  intime  de  son  ceuvre,  l'idee 
de  traiter  en  francais,  a  l'usage  des  la'iques  qui  ne  savent  pas  le  clerkois,  les 
sciences,  la  philologie,  la  th^ologie,  l'histoire  ancienne  et  moderne.  C'est 
la  .  .  .  ce  qui  caracterise  avant  tout  cette  epoque,  et  ce  qui  lui  vaudra  .  .  . 
une  mention  honorable  de  l'histoire:  le  desir  des  lalques  de  s'initier  a  la 
science  des  clercs.  .  .  .  On  a  mis  en  francais  plusieurs  ouvrages  d'Aristote, 
.  .  .  de  Ciceron,  de  S6neque  et  de  Boece,  toute  l'histoire  de  Tite  Live, 
celle  de  Salluste,  les  biographies  de  Su6tone,  le  grand  recueil  d'anecdotes 
de  Valere  Maxime,  l'ouvrage  de  V4gece  sur  l'art  militaire,  etc." 

(Poesie  du  moyen  dge,  Vol.  II,  p.  196,  G.  Paris) 

P.  83.  The  documentary  evidence  collected  by  Devic  and  Vaissette 
in  their  Histoire  generate  de  Languedoc  shows  a  melancholy  decline  on  the 
part  of  the  counts  of  Toulouse  from  independence  to  abject  submission. 
These  documents  are  of  interest: 

Col.  340,  doc.    37.     Sentence  of  the  archbishop  of  Narbonne  against 

heretics 
Col.  437,  doc.    91.    Letter  of  Celestine  III  to  the  Count  of  Toulouse, 

threatening  excommunication 
Col.  557,  doc.  138.     Letters  of  Philip  to  the  pope 
Col.  563,  doc.  142.     Authorization  of  the  crusade  by  Philip 
Col.  803,  doc.  239.     Reconciliation  of  Raymond  VII  with  the  Church 
Col.  593,  doc.  300.     Statutes  of  Raymond  VII  against  heretics 

P.  115.  In  1256  a  papal  collector  said  at  the  synod  of  London:  "Om- 
nes  ecclesiae  sunt  domini  papae."  The  popes  in  the  thirteenth  century 
certainly  acted  upon  this  principle.  The  French  churches  were  taxed  for 
the  Crusades,  for  the  support  of  the  Latin  kingdom  at  Constantinople, 
even  for  the  strife  of  the  popes  with  the  Hohenstaufen  princes.  In  1247 
Innocent  IV  had  asked  not  only  for  money,  but  for  soldiers.     In  May  of 


NOTES  191 

that  year,  and  again  in  June,  a  protest  was  made  by  the  French  churches. 
The  document  is  thus  translated  by  Langlois : 

II  est  inoul  de  voir  le  Saint-Siege  .  .  .  imposer  a  i'eglise  de  France  des 
subsides,  des  contributions  prises  sur  le  temporel,  quand  le  temporel,  des 
eglises  .  .  .  ne  releve  que  du  roi,  ne  peut  etre  impose  que  par  lui.  II  est 
inou'i  d'entendre  par  le  monde  cette  parole:  "Donnez  moi  tant,  ou  je  vous 
excommunie."  L'Eglise  qui  n'a  plus  souvenir  de  sa  simplicite  primitive 
est  etouffee  par  ses  richesses,  qui  ont  produit  dans  son  sein  l'avarice,  avec 
toutes  ses  consequences.  .  .  .  Ce  systeme  a  ete  pour  la  premiere  fois  mis 
en  pratique  par  le  cardinal  de  Preneste,  qui  ...  a  impose  des  procura- 
tions pecuniaires  a  toutes  les  eglises  du  royaume;  il  faisait  venir  les  eccle- 
siastiques  et  il  disait:  "Je  vous  ordonne  de  payer  telle  somme  a  l'ordre 
du  pape,  dans  tel  delai,  a  tel  endroit,  et  sachez  que  faute  cela,  vous  serez 
excommunie."  ...  En  ce  moment  les  freres  Mineurs  font  .  .  .  une 
nouvelle  collecte  en  Bourgogne;  ils  ont  ete  jusqu'a  convoquer  les  chapitres 
des  cathedrales  et  les  eveques  .  .  .  et  a  leur  enjoindre  verser  dans  la 
quinzaine  de  Paques  le  septieme  de  tous  leurs  revenus  ecclesiastiques  .  .  . 
ailleurs,  c'est  le  cinquieme  qu'il  exacte.  .  .  .  Le  roi  ne  peut  toterer  que 
Ton  depouille  ainsi  les  eglises  de  son  royaume.  ...  II  entend  .  .  . 
receiver  'pro  sua  et  regni  necessitate'  leurs  tresors. 

In  1262  a  synod  refused  Urban  IV  the  subsidy  he  had  asked,  saying: 
"L'Eglise  des  Gaules  gemissait  depuis  trop  longtemps  sous  les  charges 
trop  pesantes."  Yet  in  1265  Clement  IV  asked  for  new  subsidies.  The 
Assembly  of  Rheims  declared  that  "rather  than  obey  the  orders  of  the 
Pope,  it  was  ready  to  brave  excommunication,  for  the  rapacity  of  the 
Curia  would  not  cease  until  the  obedience  and  devotion  of  the  clergy 
ceased." 

(Histoire  du  moyen  Age,  pp.  370  ff.,  C.  V.  Langlois) 

P.  118.  Fratres  namque  quaedam  nova  praedicabant,  legebant,  doce- 
bant,  ut  dicebatur,  deliramenta.  .  .  .  Et  quendam  librum  composuerunt, 
quem  sic  eis  intitulare  complacuit,  Incipit  Evangelium  aeternum.  .  .  . 
Subsannavit  populus,  eleemosinas  consuetas  subtrahendo,  vocans  eos 
hypocritas,  et  Antichristi  successores,  pseudopraedicatorcs,  regnum  et 
principum  adulatores,  et  eorundem  supplantatores,  thalamorum  regalium 
subintratores,  qui  peragrantes  ignotas  provincias  peccandi  audacium 
subministrant. 

{Chronica  majora  Matthaei  Pariensis,  ed.  H.  R.  Luard,  pp.  598,  599) 

P.  131.  In  the  Gibbs  MS.  of  the  Pelerinage  de  la  vie  humaine  of  Guil- 
laume  de  Deguilleville  is  a  miniature  representing  Saint  Francis  on  the 
walls  of  the  heavenly  city,  letting  down  his  knotted  cord  to  draw  up  the 
monks  of  his  order.     The  verses  are: 


192  APPENDIX   A 

Apres  Saint  Francois  (i)  revi 
Qui  bien  se  moustroit  estre  ami 
A  ceus  de  sa  religion, 
Quar  si  com  j'o  en  vision, 
Une  corde  bien  cordee 
Qui  par  lieux  estoit  noee 
Contre  val  les  murs  mise  avoit 
Par  la  quelle  chascun  rampoit 
Qui  bien  estoit  son  acointe. 
Ja  nul  n'euste  la  main  si  ointe 
Qu'assez  tost  en  haut  ne  rampast, 
Se  forment  aus  neuz  s'agrapast. 
(Pelerinage  de  la  vie  humaine,  143,  Roxburghe  edition) 

P.  133.  A  translation  of  an  amusing  satire  on  the  Mendicant  Orders 
is  given  in  Costello's  Early  Poetry  of  France.  The  piece  is  the  Crieries  de 
Paris  by  Guillaume  de  Villeneuve. 

Bread  for  the  Brothers  of  Saint  James, 
Bread  every  holy  Minor  claims, 
The  Carmelites  must  needs  be  fed, 
And  each  Augustin  shouts  for  bread; 
Loudly  the  Sackcloth  Brothers  cry; 
Who  may  the  Sackcloth  nuns  deny? 
Bread  for  the  Prisoners  must  be  spared, 
Bread  with  the  Scholars  must  be  shared. 
The  Barefoot  Friars  assert  their  right, 
The  Blind  exclaim  with  main  and  might. 
The  Bons  Enfans  call  loud  and  high, 
The  Filles  de  Dieu  beg  lustily. 
Behind,  before,  without,  within, 
Deep,  long  and  clamorous  is  the  din. 

The  French  version  is  printed  in  the  Nouveau  recueil  des  fabliaux  of  M6on, 
vol.  2,  p.  280. 

Aus  Freres  de  Saint  Jacque  pain, 

Pain  por  Dieu  aus  Fr&res  Menors; 

Cels  tieng  je  por  bons  preneors; 

Aus  Freres  de  Saint  Augustin, 

Icil  vont  criant  par  matin. 

Du  pain  au  Sas,  pain  aus  Barrez, 

Aus  povres  prisons  enserrez, 

A  eels  du  Val  des  Ecoliers. 

Li  uns  avant,  li  autre  arri^re, 


NOTES  193 

Aus  Freres  des  pies  demandent 
Et  li  croisie  pas  ne  s'atendent; 
A  pain  crier  metent  grant  paine. 
Les  Bons  Enfants  orrez  crier 
Du  pain,  ne  les  vueil  oublier 
Les  Filles  Dieu  sevent  bien  dire. 
Du  pain,  por  Jhesu  notre  sire. 
Ca  du  pain  por  Dieu  aus  Sachesses. 
Par  les  rues  sont  grans  les  presses, 
Je  vous  di,  de  ces  gens  menues. 

P.  135.  In  1390  Gui  de  Roye,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  wrote  his  Doc- 
trinal des  simples  gens.     He  begins  his  chapter  on  the  soul  thus: 

Pour  ce  que  moult  de  simples  gens  dient  qu'ils  ne  scevent  quelle 
chose  c'est  de  l'arme  [ame]  et  que,  quant  le  corps  es  mort,  qu'ils 
n'auront  jamais  ne  bien  ne  mal:  il  est  mauvaise  heresie  de  le  dire. 

(Legrand  d'Aussy,  Notices  et  extraits  des  manuscrits,  vol.  v,  p.  521) 

P.  137.  In  Aliscans  Rainouart  is  the  young  and  strong  Saracen  captive 
purchased  by  King  Louis  for  a  hundred  marks.  Guillaume,  recognizing 
that  his  mighty  strength  might  be  better  employed  than  in  building  fires 
and  drawing  water,  asks  him  of  Louis.  Rainouart,  overjoyed  to  set  about 
the  more  congenial  task  of  killing  the  heathen,  furnishes  himself  with  an 
immense  club  made  from  the  king's  own  tree.  Henceforth  he  who  offends 
him  does  so  at  his  peril.  To  stretch  three  men  in  the  road,  to  toss  another 
into  a  tree,  to  cast  a  cook  into  the  furnace,  scarcely  costs  him  an  exertion. 
His  affections  centre  on  his  stick;  he  kisses  it  again  and  again,  he  will  not 
let  it  out  of  his  sight,  he  glories  in  its  huge  size,  as  chevaliers  in  the  temper 
of  their  swords,  he  had  dreamed  for  seven  years  of  shaping  such  a  weapon. 

En  un  gardin  va  un  sapin  coper;  .  .  . 

Molt  par  ert  gros,  ou  monde  n'a  son  per; 

.C.  cevalier  s'i  puent  aombrer. 

Li  rois  de  France  ne  le  laissast  coper 

Ki  li  vausist  .c.  mars  d'argent  doner; 

Car  cascun  jor  s'ala  illuec  disner 

Rois  Loeis  et  son  cors  deporter. 

Et  Rainoars  le  prist  a  esgarder, 

Dedens  son  cuer  forment  a  gouloser.  .  .  . 

"  Ki  cest  bel  arbre  porroit  de  chi  oster 

Molt  seroit  bons  as  Sarrasins  tuer. 

Jel  vel  avoir,  qui  q'en  doie  peser; 

Tout  mon  parage  en  vaurrai  afronter, 

Se  Jhesu  Crist  ne  veulent  aourer." 


194  APPENDIX   A 

Un  carpentier  i  ala  amener, 
Sel  fist  trencier  et  ses  brances  oster. 
.xv.  pies  ot,  si  com  j'oi  conter; 
A  .vii.  costieres  l'a  bien  fait  roonder.  .  .  . 
Prist  son  tinel,  si  commence  a  chanter. 
De  cief  en  cief  le  fist  rere  et  planer, 
Vient  a  un  fevre,  sel  fist  devant  ferrer, 
Et  a  grans  bendes  tout  entor  viroler. 
Ens  el  tenant  le  fist  bien  r6onder; 
Por  le  glacier  le  fist  entor  cirer 
Ke  ne  li  puisse  fors  des  poins  escaper. 
Quant  il  l'ot  fait  bien  loier  et  bender,  .  .  . 
Son  tinel  prist,  mist  soi  ou  retorner. 
Tout  chil  s'en  fuient  ki  li  voient  porter; 
Grant  paour  ont  de  lui.  .  .  . 

A  grant  mervelle  fu  de  tos  redoutes. 

Dist  l'un  a  1'autre:     "Ou  ira  cis  maufes? 

Voirement  c'est  Rainoars  au  tinel."  ,  . ,.  oo»r^\ 

(Ahscans,  3377) 

P.  147.  The  Albigensians  appear  to  have  maintained  that  the  pun- 
ishment of  the  rebel  angels  was  their  incarnation  in  fleshly  forms,  whether 
of  men  or  of  the  lower  animals,  and  that  after  a  period  of  expiation  these 
fallen  souls  would  be  restored  to  their  heavenly  state.  These  vagaries 
of  belief  probably  affected  only  the  inner  circle  of  disciples,  the  Perfecti, 
those  to  whom  the  esoteric  doctrines  of  the  sect  were  expounded;  the 
main  body  of  believers,  the  Credentes,  saw  in  the  movement  aspiration 
after  a  simpler  form  of  worship  and  a  purer  mode  of  living. 

P.  155.  Reason  was  a  favorite  allegoric  figure  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury poetry.    In  the  Pelerinage  de  la  vie  humaine  she  promises  her  aid  to 

Mais  toutevoies  se  mestier 

As  de  moy,  entour  toi  me  quier. 

Quar  se  me  quiers  diliganment, 

Tu  m'aras  assez  prestement.  ni    c\a<7_aaqc\\ 

Romantic  as  is  the  spirit  of  Guillaume  de  Lorris'  verse,  he  nevertheless 
pictures  Reason  with  something  of  Homer's  reverence  for  Athene.  She 
who  sees  all  things  from  her  high  tower,  la  dame  de  la  haute  garde,  has 
descended  to  advise  the  lover. 

Li  oel  qui  en  son  chief  estoient 
A  deus  estoiles  ressembloient; 
Si  ot  au  chief  une  couronne, 
Bien  resembloit  haute  personne. 


NOTES  195 

A  son  semblant  et  a  son  vis 
Pert  que  fu  faite  en  paradis, 
Car  Nature  ne  seust  pas 
Ovre  faire  de  tel  compas. 
Sachies,  se  la  lettre  ne  ment 
Que  Diex  la  fist  nomeement 
A  sa  semblance  et  a  s'ymage, 
Et  li  donna  tel  avantage, 
Qu'el  a  pooir  et  seignorie 
De  garder  homme  de  folie 
Por  qu'il  soit  tex  que  il  la  croie. 

(Roman  de  la  rose,  2993) 

P.  156.  Mullinger  writes:  "The  University  of  Paris  throughout  the 
thirteenth  century  well  nigh  monopolized  the  interest  of  learned  Europe. 
Thither  thought  and  speculation  seemed  irresistibly  drawn.  It  was  there 
the  new  orders  fought  the  decisive  battle  for  place  and  power;  that  new 
forms  of  scepticism  rose  in  rapid  succession,  and  heresies  of  varying  mo- 
ment riveted  the  watchful  eye  of  Rome;  .  .  .  and  it  was  from  this  seething 
centre  those  influences  went  forth  which  predominated  in  the  contemporary 
history  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge."  And  in  another  place:  "The  mon- 
asteries and  episcopal  schools  .  .  .  represent[ed]  .  .  .  the  stationary 
element,  while  the  universities  attracted  to  themselves  whatever  lay 
beneath  the  ban  of  unreasoning  authority." 

(J.  B.  Mullinger,  The  University  of  Cambridge,  vol.  i,  p.  133,  70) 

To  show  the  boldness  of  speculation  at  the  University  of  Paris  before 
the  perfected  organization,  Compayre  mentions  among  other  unorthodox 
teachers  David  de  Dinant,  who  taught  a  pantheistic  doctrine  in  the  twelfth 
century,  Amauri  de  Bena,  suspected  of  promulgating  the  Albigensian 
heresies,  Gilles,  who  propounded  to  Albertus  Magnus  such  propositions 
as,  The  world  is  eternal,  Human  actions  are  not  subject  to  Providence, 
There  are  fables  and  errors  in  the  Christian  law  as  in  all  other  laws,  adding 
that  these  theses  were  maintained  in  the  schools  of  Paris  by  the  most 
learned  doctors.  Renan  points  out  that  the  Opuscules  of  Albertus  Magnus 
and  the  treatise  of  Thomas  Aquinas,  Contra  Averroistas,  were  aimed  at  the 
professors  of  the  Rue  du  Fouarre. 

(Compayr6,  Abclard) 

Concerning  the  dissemination  by  the  "clercs"  of  a  spirit  of  criticism 
towards  the  teachings  of  the  Church  and  the  manners  of  the  clergy,  Gautier 
has  much  to  say.  He  deplores  the  number  of  "ces  clercs  d6prav6s  qui, 
notamment  aux  12e  et  13e  siecles,  ont  6te  de  v6ritables  jongleurs,  mais 
dangereux,  mais  sceptiques,  mais  condamnables  et  condamnds.     II  est  trop 


196  APPENDIX   A 

vrai  que  la  France,  l'Allemagne  et  l'Angleterre  ont  6t6  envahis  par  tout 
un  mauvais  petit  peuple  de  clercs  errantiques,  qui  chantaient  en  latin  de 
detestables  petits  poemes  ou  la  cour  de  Rome  et  les  moines  etaient  vili- 
pendes,  calomnies,  traines  dans  la  boue.  Ces  bouffons  avaient  du  succes 
pres  de  tous  ceux  que  le  Pape  genait,  et  Ton  riait  toujours  d'un  mauvais 
rire  quand  ils  accusaient  de  cupidite  tous  les  clercs  de  leur  temps  et  qu'ils 
leur  faisaient  chanter  Vevangelium  secundum  marcas  argenti. 

(L.  Gautier,  Epopees  frangaises,  p.  42) 

P.  176.  As  the  present  essay  is  limited  to  a  study  of  protest  against 
social  injustice,  it  has  not  been  deemed  relevant  to  discuss  the  great  mass 
of  misogynist  literature  with  which  the  Middle  Ages  were  afflicted.  The 
bibliography  of  T.  L.  Neff's  Satire  des  femmes  au  moyen  dge  directs  the 
student  to  much  antifeminist  writing.  How  far  we  are  to  accept  the 
derogatory  conception  of  woman  in  these  works  and  especially  in  the 
fabliaux  as  evidence  of  a  low  moral  standard  in  medieval  society  has  been 
debated. 

"On  est  6  tonne,  quand  on  devient  familier  avec  la  litterature  du  moyen 
age,  de  voir  l'acharnement  souvent  grossier  avec  lequel  les  femmes  y  sont 
dSnigrees.  On  est  surtout  choque  quand  on  aborde  cette  literature  avec 
les  id6es  courantes  sur  la  galanterie  delicate  et  passionee  et  le  culte  de  la 
femme  qu'on  attribue  aux  temps  chevaleresques.  .  .  .  Notre  [generation] 
repete  encore  les  contes  injurieux  pour  le  beau  sexe  .  .  .  sans  accepter  la 
morale  .  .  .  seulement  pour  rire;  .  .  .  c'est  ce  que  faisaient  nos  peres,  et 
il  ne  faut  pas  apprecier  la  maniere  dont  ils  jugaient  les  femmes  et  le  mariage 
d'apres  quelques  vieilles  histoires  venus  de  l'Orient  qu'ils  se  sont  amuses 
a  mettre  en  jolis  vers." 

(G.  Paris,  Poesie  du  moyen  dge,  vol.  ii,  104) 

Brunetiere,  however,  judges  the  literature  closer  to  actual  conditions: 
"Les  femmes  dans  le  monde  bourgeois  du  moyen  age  semblent  avoir  courbe 
la  tete  aussi  bas  qu'en  aucun  temps  et  qu'en  aucun  lieu  de  la  terre  sous 
la  loi  de  la  force  et  de  la  brutalite\  Ni  la  mere,  ni  la  sceur,  ni  l'epouse 
n'ont  place  dans  cette  6pop6e  populaire.  Une  telle  conception  de  la  femme 
est  le  d^shonneur  d'une  literature." 

(F.  Brunetiere,  in  Revue  des  deux  mondes  for  1879) 

"Le  type  gendral  de  la  femme,  tel  qu'il  se  d6gage  de  1'ensemble  des 
fableaux,  est  un  type  conventionnel  et  aussi  faux  que  conventionnel.  .  .  . 
II  est  entendu  que  les  femmes  sont  versatiles,  trompeuses,  cyniquement 
impudiques.  ...  La  femme  qui  mettent  en  scene  les  jongleurs  et 
meme  les  jongleurs  de  chansons  de  geste,  c'est  l'etre  vicieux  et  faible, 
mais  6minemment  redoutable,  que  concpivent  la  naivete  et  l'inexperience 
rnonacales;  c'est  la  femme  malignant  ddcrite  par  les  parabolistes  boud- 
dhistes,  aussi  d£sireux  que  les  moines  chr6tiens  d'inspirer  le  degout  du 


NOTES  197 

manage  et  de  glorifier  le  celibat.  .  .  .  Les  femmes  dans  les  fableaux 
n'appartiennent  point  a,  notre  humanite  occidentale  et  chrdtienne;  .  .  . 
ce  sont  des  poupees  barbares." 

(C."V.  Langlois,  La  sotiete  du  moyen  Age  d'apres  les  fableaux,  p.  229) 

The  work  of  J.  Bedier  Les  fabliaux,  ch.  x,  xii,  xiii,  and  the  article  by 
Victor  Le  Clerc  in  the  Histoire  lilteraire  de  la  France,  vol.  23,  should  also 
be  consulted. 

Gautier  in  his  work,  La  chevalerie,  based  upon  the  French  epics,  men- 
tions several  women,  such  as  Guibourc  in  Aliscans,  who  commanded 
respect  and  possessed  considerable  power,  but  he  admits  that  degrading 
brutality  in  the  treatment  of  women  was  all  too  common  (p.  349  ff.). 
Protest  against  such  conditions  would  have  been,  apparently,  not  only 
futile,  but  inconsistent  with  the  beauty  of  feminine  character.  Even 
M.  Gautier  speaks  of  Olive  in  Doon  de  la  Roche  as  "un  type  admirable 
qui  injustement  accusee  par  son  mari,  qui  la  repudie  et  epouse  une  autre 
femme,  lui  reste  fidele  et  l'aime  toujours."  The  popularity  of  such  a 
theme,  which  we  meet  with  also  in  Le  fraisne  of  Marie  de  France  and  in 
the  Erec  of  Chretien  de  Troyes,  proves  the  existence  of  social  conventions 
among  which  a  demand  for  justice  from  women  could  not  arise. 

So  late  as  1403  Christine  de  Pisan  refers  to  conditions  in  real  life,  and 
that  too  not  among  the  lowest  class,  in  a  way  that  seems  to  establish  that. 
correspondence  between  literature  and  actuality  which  the  French  critics, 
to  their  credit,  are  reluctant  to  admit. 

Sont  ils  cortois  ou  gent  haye 

Ceulx  qui  tant  dient  villenie 

A  femmes,  comme  pourroit  dire 

Le  plus  ort  vilain  de  l'empire? 

Que  dis  je,  dient?  mes  leur  font 

Les  aucuns,  dont  trop  se  mesfont. 

Tesmoing  d'ung  que  je  ne  congnois, 

Mes  il  baty,  n'a  pas  trois  mois, 

Une  femme,  dessus  le  pont 

De  Paris,  dont  il  mesprist  moult. 

Et  si  est  homme  de  renon.  .  .  . 

A  son  saoul  la  baty  d'une  aulne 

Devant  chascun,  et  de  la  paulme.  .  .  . 

Et  dist  on  qu'ele  est  sans  diffame.  .  .  . 

Mais,  Dieu  merci!  ne  sont  tous  tels. 

{Livre  de  la  mutation  de  la  fortune,  p.  70) 

Much  material  for  the  study  of  the  status  of  women  in  medieval  French 
society  has  been  collected  by  Mathilde  Laigle  in  her  discussion  of  the  Livre 
des  trois  verlus  of  Christine  de  Pisan. 


198  APPENDIX   A 

P.  184.  One  of  the  first  notes  of  feminine  insurgency  was  the  demand 
for  greater  educational  opportunities.  A  passage  from  Christine  de  Pisan 
shows  that  this  demand  was  on  its  way  to  satisfaction. 

Je  me  merveille  trop  fort  de  l'opinion  de  aucuns  hommes,  qu'ilz 
ne  vouldroient  point  que  leurs  filles,  femmes  ou  parentes,  aprenissent 
science  et  que  leurs  mceurs  en  empiroient.  Par  ce  peuz  tu  bien  veoir 
que  toutes  opinions  d'hommes  ne  sont  pas  fondees  sur  raison  et  que 
ceulx  ont  tort;  car  il  ne  doit  mye  etre  presume  que  de  scavoir  les 
sciences  morales,  et  qui  apprennent  vertu,  les  mceurs  doyent  empirer, 
ains  n'est  point  de  doubte  que  ils  anoblissent.  Comme  doncques  est  il 
a  penser  que  bonnes  lecons  et  doctrine  les  peust  empirer?  Cette  chose 
n'est  pas  a  soustenir  .  .  .  que  les  femmes  empirent  de  scavoir  du  bien 
n'est  pas  a  croire.  .  .  .  Sans  querir  les  anciennes  ystoires,  Jenan 
Andry,  solennel  canoniste  a  Bouloigne  Cd.  1348]  n'a  pas  Ix  ans, 
n'estoit  pas  d'opinion  que  mal  fust  que  femmes  fussent  lettr^es,  quant 
a  sa  bonne  et  belle  fille  qu'il  ama  tant,  nominee  Novelle,  fist  apprendre 
lettres,  et  si  avant,  que  quant  il  estoit  occupe  d'aucune  besoigne,  par 
quoy  il  ne  povoit  vaquer  et  lire  a  ses  escoliers,  il  y  envoyoit  Novelle, 
sa  fille,  lire  en  sa  chaire. 

{Cite  des  dames,  lib.  iv,  ch.  36,  quoted  in  Excursions  historiques  el 
philosophiques  a  travers  le  moyen  dge,  A.  Jourdain,  p.  502). 


APPENDIX  B 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

(a)  Works  in  Old  French 

Les  quatre  Ages  de  Vhomme  (Des  quatre  tenz  d'aage  d,ome),  Philippe  de 

Navarre,  ed.  Marcel  de  Freville.     Paris,  1888. 
Le  besant  de  Dieu,  Guillaume  le  Clerc,  ed.  Ernst  Martin.     Halle,  1869. 
Le  bestiaire,  Guillaume  le  Clerc,  ed.  Robert  Reinsch.     Leipzig,  1890. 
La  chanson  de  la  Croisade  centre  les  Albigeois,  commencie  par  Guillaume  de 

Tudele  et  continuee  par  un  poete  anonyme,  ed.  Paul  Meyer.     Paris,  1875. 
Les  plus  anciens  chansonniers  francais,  Jules  Brakelman.     Paris,   1870- 

1884. 
Des  chansons  populaires,  Charles  Nisard.     Paris,  1867. 
Choix  des  poisies  originales  des  troubadours,  Francois  Raynouard.    Paris, 

1819. 
Fauzel  (v.  La  vie  au  moyen  dge,  C.  V.  Langlois). 

Poisies  de  Gilles  li  Muisis,  ed.  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove.     Louvain,  1882. 
Guillaume  de  Dole  (v.  Le  roman  de  la  rose),  ed.  G.  Servois.     Paris,  1893. 
Les  oeuvres  de  Guiot  de  Provins,  ed.  John  Orr.     Manchester,  1915. 
Lamenta  (Les  lamentations  de  Matheolus  de  Jehan  le  Fevre),  ed.  A.-G. 

Van  Hamel.     Paris,  1892. 
La  nobla  leycon,  ed.  Edouard  Montet.     Paris,  1888. 
Le  lime  des  manieres,  Etienne  de  Fougeres,  ed.  Josef  Kremer.     Marburg, 

1887. 
Les  miracles  de  la  Sainte  Vierge,  Gautier  de  Coincy,  ed.  I'abb6  Poquet. 

Paris,  1857. 
Le  mireour  du  monde,  ed.  Felix  Chavannes.     Lausanne,  1845. 
Miserere,  li  Renclus  de  Moiliens,  ed.  A.-G.  Van  Hamel.     Paris,  1885. 
Las  novas  del  heretje,  ed.  Paul  Meyer  (v.  Annuaire  bulletin  de  la  socUU  de 

Vhistoire  de  la  France,  1879,  pp.  233;  443). 
Le  pelerinage  de  vie  humaine,  Guillaume  de  Deguileville,  ed.  J.  J.  Stiirzinger. 

London, 1893. 
Provenzalische  chrestomathie,  Carl  Appel.     Leipzig,  1907. 
Renart  le  Contrefait,  ed.  Gaston  Raynaud  et  Henri  Lemaftre.     Paris,  1914. 
Li  romans  de  CaritS,  li  Renclus  de  Moiliens,  ed.  A.-G.  Van  Hamel.     Paris 

1885. 
Li  romanz  de  la  poire,  Thibaut,  ed.  Friedrich  Stehlich.     Halle,  1881. 


200  APPENDIX    B 

Le  roman  de  la  rose,  Guillaume  de  Lorris  et  Jean  de  Meung,  ed.  Francisque 

Michel.     Paris,  1864. 
Le  roman  de  la  rose,  ou  de  Guillaume  de  Dole,  ed.  G.  Servois.     Paris,  1893. 
Le  roman  de  Rou,  Robert  Wace,  ed.  Hugo  Andresen.     Heilbronn,  1877. 
QZuvres  completes  de  Rutebeuf,  ed.  Achille  Jubinal.     Paris,  1874. 
Ruslebeuf,  ed.  Adolf  Kressner.     Wolfenbiittel,  1885. 
Les  derniers  troubadours  de  la  Provence,  Paul  Meyer.     Paris,  1871. 
Les  vers  de  la  mort,  H61inant,  moine  de  Froidmont,  ed.  Fr.  Wulff  et  Emile 

Walberg.     Paris,  1905. 

(6)  Works  of  General  Reference 

Abelard  and  the  origin  and  early  history  of  the  universities,  Gabriel  Compayre\ 

New  York,  1893. 
Antipathies  et  sympathies  democratiques  dans  V epopee  francaise  du  moyen 

dge,  Josef  Falk.     (V.  Melange  de  philologie  romane  dediee  a  Carl  Wahl- 

und.     Macon,  1896.) 
Catholic  encyclopedia.     New  York,  1904-1914. 
La  chevalerie,  Leon  Gautier.     Paris,  1884. 

Diclionnaire  de  theologie  catholique,  ed.  Vacant  et  Mangenot.     Paris,  1904. 
Chronica  majora  Matthcei  Parisiensis,  ed.  H.  R.  Luard.     London,  1880. 
The  classical  heritage  of  the  Middle  Ages,  H.  O.  Taylor.     New  York,  1911. 
Comment  faut  il  juger  le  moyen  dge?  Leon  Gautier.     Paris,  1876. 
Les  epopees  francaises,  Leon  Gautier.     Paris,  1876. 
Etude  sociale  sur  les  chansons  de  geste,  Josef  Falk.     Nykoping,  1899. 
English  literature  from  the  Norman  Conquest  to  Chaucer,  W.  H.  Schofield. 

New  York,  1906. 
Excursions  historiques  et  philosophiques  a  travers  le  moyen  Age,  Charles 

Jourdain.     Paris,  1888. 
Les  fabliaux,  ch.  x,  xii,  xiii,  Joseph  B6dier.     Paris,  1893. 
La  femme  et  V amour  au  xiie  siecle,  Myrrha  Borodine.     Paris,  1909. 
Histoire  des  Albigeois,  Napoleon  Peyrat.     Paris,  1870. 
Histoire  et  doctrine  de  la  secte  des  Cathares  ou  Albigeois,  C.  Schmidt.     Paris, 

1849. 
Histoire  generale  de  Languedoc,  vol.  viii,  Devic  et  Vaissette.    Toulouse, 

1879. 
Histoire  de  la  langue  et  de  la  litteralure  frangaise,  publiee  sous  la  direction 

de  L.  Petit  de  Julleville,  vol.  i,  ii.     Paris,  1896. 
Histoire  litteraire  de  la  France.     Paris,  1733-1914. 

L'etat  des  lettres  en  France  au  18?  siecle,  P.  Daunou,  vol.  16,  pp.  1-254. 

Rutebeuf,  P.  Paris,  vol.  20,  pp.  719-783. 

Guillaume  de  Saint- Amour,  Victor  LeClerc,  vol.  19,  pp.  197-215;   vol. 

21,  pp.  468-499. 
Chansonniers,  P.  Paris,  vol.  23,  pp.  512-838. 
Jean  de  Meung,  P.  Paris,  vol.  23,  pp.  1-61;  vol.  28,  pp.  391-439. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  201 

L'etat  des    lettres  en  France  au  14e  siecle,   Victor   Le  Clerc,    vol  24, 

pp.  1-602. 
Le  roman  de  Fauvel,  G.  Paris,  vol.  32,  pp.  108-153. 
Histoire  litteraire  des  Vaudois  du  Piemont,  Edouard  Montet.     Paris,  1885. 
Histoire  de  la  litterature  frangaise,  Gustave  Lanson.     Paris,  1898. 
Histoire  du  moyen  dge,  C.  V.  Langlois.     Paris,  1895. 
Histoire  de  la  poesie  provengale,  C.  Fauriel.     Paris,  1847. 
Histoire  des  revolutions  de  I'esprit  frangais,  de  la  langue  et  de  la  litterature 

frangaises  du  moyen  dge,  F.  D.  Bancel.     Paris,  1878. 
Histoire  de  I'Universite  de  Paris,  M.  Crevier.     Paris,  1761. 
Jean  Clopinel,  F61ix  Guillon.     Paris,  1903. 
Jongleurs  et  trouveres,  Achille  Jubinal.     Paris,  1835. 
Leben  und  werke  der  troubadours,  Friedrich  Diez.     Zwickau,  1829. 
De  la  litterature  didactique  du  moyen  dge  s'adressant  specialment  aux  femmes, 

Alice  Hentsch.     Cahors,  1903. 
Life  in  the  medieval  university,  R.  S.  Rait.     Cambridge,  1912. 
The  lives  of  the  troubadours,  Ida  Farnell.     London,  1896. 
The  mediaeval  mind,  H.  O.  Taylor.     London,  1914. 

Les  origines  de  la  poesie  lyrique  en  France,  Alfred  Jeanroy.     Paris,  1889. 
La  poesie  au  moyen  dge,  Leon  Cledat.     Paris,  1893. 
La  poesie  au  moyen  dge,  Gaston  Paris.     Paris,  1895. 
Recueil  de  I'origine  de  la  langue  et  poesie  frangoise,  Claude  Fauchet.    Paris, 

1581. 
The  religion  of  the  ancient  Celts,  J.  A.  MacCulloch.     Edinburgh,  1911. 
The  rise  and  constitution  of  medieval  universities,  S.  S.  Laurie.     New  York, 

1887. 
Renart  le  conlrefait,  G.  Raynaud,  in  Romania,  vol.  37,  pp.  245-283. 
Rutebeuf,  Leon  Cledat.     Paris,  1891. 
La  satire  des  femmes  dans  la  poesie  lyrique  du  moyen  dge,  T.  L.  Neff.     Paris, 

1900. 
La  societe  frangaise  au  treizieme  siecle,  d'apres  dix  romans,  C.  V.  Langlois. 

Paris,  1904. 
La  satire  en  France  au  moyen  dge,  Charles  Lenient.     Paris,  1893. 
La  societe  du  moyen  dge  d'apres  les  fableaux,  C.  V.  Langlois.     (V.  Revue 

bleue,  vol.  48,  pp.  227;  289.) 
The  thirteenth  greatest  of  centuries,  J.  J.  Walsh.     New  York,  1902. 
Les  troubadours,  Joseph  Anglade.     Paris,  1908. 
The  troubadours  of  Dante,  H.  J.  Chaytor.     Cambridge,  1902. 
The  troubadours  at  home,  J.  H.  Smith.     New  York,  1899. 
Universities  of  Europe,  Hastings  Rashdall  (vol.  i,  ch.  v).     Oxford,  187"). 
The  University  of  Paris  in  the  thirteenth  century,  C.  Haskins.     (V.  American 

Historical  Review,  vol.  x,  pp.  1-27.) 
La  vie  en  France  au  moyen  dge  d'apres  quelques  moralistes,  C.  V.  Langlois. 

Paris,  1908. 


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